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Economic value<br />
There are several different ways in which arts and culture produce economic<br />
benefits. On the most basic level, arts and cultural organisations contribute to<br />
the economy by selling tickets, artworks, books, etc. Often, they also induce additional<br />
spending that is associated with the cultural experience. For example,<br />
consumers may spend money travelling to and from a cultural site, pay for<br />
parking, or have dinner at a restaurant before going to a concert. Further, cultural<br />
organisations and other businesses that derive revenue from arts patrons pay<br />
their employees and suppliers, who in turn spend some portion of their income<br />
locally. All of these economic benefits are captured in economic impact studies<br />
(see Snowball 2008, ch. 2 and 3 and BOP Consulting 2012 for an introduction;<br />
Arts Council England 2014, 20 and Americans for the Arts 2012 provide recent<br />
examples); however, economic impact studies have also been criticised for failing<br />
to take costs into account (Reeves 2002, 41-44; McCarthy et al 2004, 90; Throsby<br />
2001, 38, 134 n3)Arts and culture can also play a role in the economic redevelopment<br />
of neglected neighbourhoods (Markusen and Gadwa 2010).<br />
All of these economic impacts are relatively easy to trace since they are reflected<br />
in observable transactions in the marketplace, which can be counted and<br />
summed. There are, however, also instances in which economic value bypasses<br />
the market (Throsby 2001, 23-26, 36-38). This is the case whenever people who<br />
do not participate in arts and culture directly are nonetheless able to reap some<br />
benefit from their existence. For instance, even Parisians who have never visited<br />
the Louvre might take pride in knowing (and might even boast to others) that the<br />
Mona Lisa is housed in their city. Economists argue that such a sense of pride is of<br />
value to the people, whether or not they actually participate in cultural activities.<br />
This is but one example of a range of economic values that are generated as ‘public<br />
goods’, ‘non-user benefits’ or ‘externalities’ (Throsby and Withers 1979, ch. 10;<br />
Frey 2003, 2; Heilbrun and Gray 2001, 223-30).<br />
Since no money exchanges hands in these cases, the value of the goods cannot be<br />
inferred from the price. Researchers must therefore resort to alternative methods<br />
of assessing the goods’ value. One option is to survey people about their preferences<br />
or ask them how much they would be willing to pay for particular benefits.<br />
While such ‘stated preference’ techniques have been used in several contexts and<br />
have been endorsed by notable economics (Bakhshi et al 2009, 11), they have also<br />
been criticised, as it is unclear whether respondents are well enough informed<br />
to answer the questions appropriately (Noonan 2004, 206-07; Diamond and<br />
Hausman 1994). Other techniques calculate the value of a particular amenity<br />
based on the effects it has on housing prices in the area or the amount of time<br />
people are willing to spend travelling to attain a particular benefit. Overviews<br />
Introduction 31<br />
UNDERSTANDING the value and impacts of cultural experiences