Chapter 10. N<strong>on</strong>-<strong>Strategic</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> Weap<strong>on</strong>s215are removed from their delivery vehicles and stockpiled at navy orair force bases or at centralized storage facilities within Russia andthe United States.In spite of some U.S. ideas to the c<strong>on</strong>trary, it would not be possibleto combine the reducti<strong>on</strong> and eliminati<strong>on</strong> of TNWs with reducti<strong>on</strong>sof SNFs, inasmuch as TNWs are delivered by such dual-use vehiclesas aircraft, short-range missiles, surface ship or submarine weap<strong>on</strong>s,and artillery. In essence, the limitati<strong>on</strong>, reducti<strong>on</strong>, or eliminati<strong>on</strong>of TNWs involves the removal of nuclear explosive charges fromdual-use missiles, projectiles, and torpedoes, or from the weap<strong>on</strong>ssystems aboard multi-purpose aircraft, ships, and submarines. Thus,as noted above, the reducti<strong>on</strong> of TNWs, unlike SNFs, can never beachieved or c<strong>on</strong>trolled through the eliminati<strong>on</strong> of delivery vehicles.For this same reas<strong>on</strong>, it will be incredibly difficult to agree <strong>on</strong> reducingTNWs to some level and to c<strong>on</strong>trol such reducti<strong>on</strong>s. After all,the two sides would have to agree to inspecti<strong>on</strong>s not of deployed (andn<strong>on</strong>-deployed) missile launchers and delivery vehicles, but of c<strong>on</strong>tainersof stockpiled bombs and warheads in storages. This wouldbe a much more complicated task, especially since tactical nuclearmuniti<strong>on</strong>s are often stored al<strong>on</strong>gside their vehicles, with warheadand bombs removed from missiles or bombers under the STARTTreaty and with muniti<strong>on</strong>s slated for recycling. Furthermore, thereare dozens of such warehouses and many thousands of warheads.If a greater porti<strong>on</strong> of (dual-use) delivery vehicles is retained,the eliminati<strong>on</strong> of TNW charges would be primarily a symbolic (notto menti<strong>on</strong> complex and expensive) measure, if the exact numberof remaining weap<strong>on</strong>s cannot be verified, and it cannot be guaranteedthat these types of nuclear muniti<strong>on</strong>s are no l<strong>on</strong>ger being producedor stockpiled as replacements for eliminated warheads that could bequickly put into service. For the same reas<strong>on</strong>, the measure of destroyingthe casings of nuclear explosive charges (as called for under the INFTreaty), would not be very effective. Since intermediate- and shortrangemissiles have been fully eliminated, there would be no placeto which to return the headers of the two classes of missiles to service,but the situati<strong>on</strong> with TNWs is totally different. Verificati<strong>on</strong> of suchweap<strong>on</strong>s at centralized storage facilities or the nuclear warhead manufacturer’sfactory warehouse (the final assembly shop in particular)assumes an unprecedented degree of openness in the most sensitiveareas of military and technical activity, while the c<strong>on</strong>text of the NewSTART Treaty implies less transparency, not more.
216<str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Reset</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Arms Reducti<strong>on</strong> and N<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong>The same applies to exchanges of informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the numbers andtypes of TNWs in storage, unless they can be reliably verified. Thismeans that any trilateral eliminati<strong>on</strong> of TNWs (by 50 or 80 percent,for example) or setting up a particular number as a limit wouldlikely be unacceptable for the side that has far fewer weap<strong>on</strong>s of thistype (especially c<strong>on</strong>sidering the difficulty of verifying the numbereach side retains.)In this respect, the process of dismantling and destroying (or recycling)TNWs would be analogous technically and from the aspectof treaty verificati<strong>on</strong> to eliminating strategic bombs and warheads,which has not yet been raised as a topic. In the future, nuclear disarmament,if it expands to encompass eliminati<strong>on</strong> of the nuclear explosivecharges themselves, will apply equally to strategic and n<strong>on</strong>strategicwarheads.For this reas<strong>on</strong>, as a first step with regard to TNWs, the sidescould agree to withdraw all tactical nuclear systems from their forwardbases to centralized storage facilities deep within the country(i.e., essentially into reserves). To accomplish this, the two countrieswould need to first exchange informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the number of systemsof that class at their navy and air force bases. As an opti<strong>on</strong>, agreementcould first be reached <strong>on</strong> the TNWs of the U.S. and Russianair forces, and then the issue could be negotiated with respect to thetwo navies.Under this scenario, the United States would first need to withdrawthe 200 air bombs stored at six stockpiles in five countries of Europe,and Russia would remove the approximately 500 air bombs and missilesit has at Air Force bases located within its borders and placethem into centralized storage facilities. Equality would also requirethat the United States not <strong>on</strong>ly withdraw its TNWs from Europeto its own territory, but also prohibit their future deployment <strong>on</strong> AirForce (and, subsequently, Navy) bases or anywhere else, other thanat centralized storage facilities available for inspecti<strong>on</strong>.It would be simpler to verify a complete withdrawal of TNWsfrom forward bases, since the storage sites, which are of known locati<strong>on</strong>and characteristics, would simply be left empty. There wouldalso need to be a short-notice inspecti<strong>on</strong> agreement (similar to the<strong>on</strong>e agreed to under START for ICBM, SLBM, and heavy bomberbases) covering air force and navy bases in both the United Statesand Russia (possibly including the bases of their allies). For this reas<strong>on</strong>,although feasible from a practical point of view, such an agree-
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About the Carnegie EndowmentThe Car
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Nuclear Re