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Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

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Chapter 18. The Dialectics of <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> Disarmament and N<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong>355This questi<strong>on</strong> can <strong>on</strong>ly be answered in the form of a hypothesis.Skeptics and opp<strong>on</strong>ents of nuclear disarmament in Washingt<strong>on</strong>,Moscow, and a number of other major capitals categoricallydeny such an interrelati<strong>on</strong>. In fact, they assert that cuts in nuclearweap<strong>on</strong>s to levels of a few hundred (or even a few dozen) warheadsin Britain, China, France, the Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong>/Russia, and the UnitedStates would <strong>on</strong>ly reinforce the incentive for further proliferati<strong>on</strong>,making it relatively easier for the “threshold nati<strong>on</strong>s” to achievethe levels of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s held by the Big Five countries.An additi<strong>on</strong>al argument against nuclear disarmament is centered<strong>on</strong> the fact that the parties to the Treaty have d<strong>on</strong>e very little so fartoward meeting their obligati<strong>on</strong>s under the sec<strong>on</strong>d part of ArticleVI (in which the parties undertake to pursue and ultimately signa treaty <strong>on</strong> general and complete disarmament under strict and effectiveinternati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>trol). 4Advocates of the reducti<strong>on</strong> and limitati<strong>on</strong> of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>shave asserted to the c<strong>on</strong>trary that this scenario would have hada tangible effect <strong>on</strong> nuclear n<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong>. In particular, this argumenthas been raised at each and every NPT Review C<strong>on</strong>ferenceby the majority of n<strong>on</strong>-nuclear member nati<strong>on</strong>s, who have accusedthe nuclear powers of failing to meet their obligati<strong>on</strong>s under ArticleVI of the NPT.As usual, real life is far more complicated than linear yes-no logic,and is certainly more complicated than the political stances thatgovernments assume at internati<strong>on</strong>al forums.Doubtless, the factors that would impel a nati<strong>on</strong> to acquirenuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s are more varied and c<strong>on</strong>tradictory than simplywanting to follow the example of the nuclear states. The mainmotivati<strong>on</strong>s for the leadership of any nati<strong>on</strong> to decide to developnuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s relate to external security issues, prestige in theworld arena, domestic popularity, or eliciting c<strong>on</strong>cessi<strong>on</strong>s fromother countries in exchange for renouncing or limiting their nuclearactivity. The NPT does not address any of these objectivesdirectly or effectively (for example, in the sense of offering nati<strong>on</strong>smore attractive rewards in these areas in exchange for their n<strong>on</strong>acquisiti<strong>on</strong>of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s), nor does it present any potentialserious ec<strong>on</strong>omic or political price to pay by those nati<strong>on</strong>s thatdo not cooperate. Nor do agreements between the great powers<strong>on</strong> nuclear disarmament necessarily have a direct impact <strong>on</strong> theabove-menti<strong>on</strong>ed incentives.

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