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Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

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Chapter 1. Deterrence and <strong>Strategic</strong> <strong>Stability</strong>35range missiles). Currently, Britain has four strategic submarinesarmed with U.S.-made Trident II missiles. 4 The British governmentreports having slashed the number of their warheads to 160, whichis just over a quarter of their potential capability. France has alsopreserved a small aviati<strong>on</strong> comp<strong>on</strong>ent in additi<strong>on</strong> to its four submarines.It remains the <strong>on</strong>ly nuclear power to have nuclear deliveryvehicles <strong>on</strong> an aircraft carrier, the Charles de Gaulle.This means that with the passing of the Cold War, Europe’s nuclear-weap<strong>on</strong>powers have almost completely aband<strong>on</strong>ed the nuclearcapabilities that could c<strong>on</strong>ceivably be used in a European militaryc<strong>on</strong>flict. This, in turn, has even further diminished their role in reinforcingU.S. nuclear capabilities in Europe.Great Britain is currently debating the possibility of reducing itsfuture strategic submarine fleet to three submarines, and France willalso find it difficult to avoid a new round of unilateral nuclear cutsshould there be another wave of such disarmament in the UnitedStates and Russia.Unlike Britain or France, China, so far as is known, has never undertakenunilateral disarmament measures. However, with the passingof the Cold War, its efforts to modernize its nuclear forces havefocused <strong>on</strong> qualitative improvement rather than <strong>on</strong> increasing numbers,although in light of its str<strong>on</strong>g gains in ec<strong>on</strong>omic power, militarybudgets, and military and technological advances, China’s arsenalcould potentially grow by hundreds of warheads, if the corresp<strong>on</strong>dingpolitical decisi<strong>on</strong> were made.During the Cold War, the Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong> viewed tactical nuclearweap<strong>on</strong>s (TNWs) as complementary to the strategic nuclear forcesof the United States, which deployed tactical nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s at itsforward bases in Europe and Asia and placed them aboard its shipsand submarines. Nevertheless, since TNWs were primarily plannedto be used in scenarios involving escalating c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al war in theateroperati<strong>on</strong>s, the United States and the Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong> failed to everagree <strong>on</strong> the role they played in strategic stability. From the Sovietstandpoint, they were a destabilizing means for a first strike bythe United States. From the NATO perspective, they representeda counterweight to the Soviet and Warsaw Pact’s superiority in generalpurpose forces (GPF).The parties found themselves <strong>on</strong> opposite sides of this equati<strong>on</strong> afterthe end of the Cold War, when the Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong> and the WarsawPact had dissolved and Russia was severely weakened by a protracted

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