12.07.2015 Views

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

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398<str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Reset</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Arms Reducti<strong>on</strong> and N<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong>In deciding whether to ratify the CTBT, Egypt will doubtless c<strong>on</strong>siderthe views of the majority of Arab nati<strong>on</strong>s, all of which emphasizethe importance of ensuring the universality of not <strong>on</strong>ly the CTBTbut also the NPT (and thus regard Israel’s signing of <strong>on</strong>ly the CTBTto be insufficient and insist that it must also join the NPT).Israel, however, has clearly spelled out its c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s for ratifyingthe Treaty: first, there must be improvement in the overall situati<strong>on</strong>in the Middle East, including the signing of the NPT by the countriesof the regi<strong>on</strong> (Syria and Iraq have not yet signed); sec<strong>on</strong>d, there mustbe a high level of preparedness and effectiveness <strong>on</strong> the part of the internati<strong>on</strong>alcompliance verificati<strong>on</strong> mechanism established underthe Treaty; and third, Israel must share equal status in the functi<strong>on</strong>sof the regi<strong>on</strong>al group of the Preparatory Commissi<strong>on</strong> of the CTBTO.Inasmuch as it is unlikely that any of these c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s will be metwithin the next year or two, the likelihood that Israel will ratifythe Treaty c<strong>on</strong>tinues to appear rather remote.In Iran, prospects for ratificati<strong>on</strong> have also been dependentup<strong>on</strong> the domestic political factor, as well as the overall situati<strong>on</strong>in the Middle East. Although the number of advocates of social modernizati<strong>on</strong>in Iran has increased, c<strong>on</strong>servative and religious forcesc<strong>on</strong>tinue to exert c<strong>on</strong>siderable influence in the Majlis, and it is theywho have posed the CTBT ratificati<strong>on</strong> issue in the c<strong>on</strong>text of endingthe country’s internati<strong>on</strong>al isolati<strong>on</strong> and expressed doubt thatIran could significantly change the current state of affairs by adoptingthe new WMD n<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong> obligati<strong>on</strong>s. Obviously, the Iranianleadership will not hasten to ratify the CTBT any time so<strong>on</strong>; it has notyet initiated practical steps to submit the CTBT to the Majlis for c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>.In additi<strong>on</strong>, the complex situati<strong>on</strong> surrounding the Iraniannuclear program (which has obviously been drawing growing internati<strong>on</strong>alc<strong>on</strong>cern) can also not be ignored.Therefore, should the current U.S. administrati<strong>on</strong> succeed in ratifyingthe CTBT, c<strong>on</strong>siderable forward progress in Treaty ratificati<strong>on</strong>by the remaining “laggards” <strong>on</strong> the list of 44 countries could beexpected.The CTBT Verificati<strong>on</strong> MechanismThe significance of the CTBT is difficult to evaluate absent the compliancec<strong>on</strong>trol regime (i.e., verificati<strong>on</strong> mechanism) stipulated

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