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Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

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Chapter 23. Space Weap<strong>on</strong>s and the Problems485more likely to be achieved, both from the standpoint of its mutualmilitary and strategic acceptability to the parties and in the tangibilityof its technical parameters and its verifiability.The proposed treaty will necessarily be of a partial and selectivenature both for military and political reas<strong>on</strong>s and in light of objectivetechnical and physical realities (in particular, the uniquenessof the space envir<strong>on</strong>ment). This was also true, incidentally, forthe 1972 SALT I and the 1979 SALT II arms limitati<strong>on</strong> treaties.If not for these natural stages of disarmament, however, the partieswould have never been able to achieve the unprecedented comprehensivereducti<strong>on</strong>s, limitati<strong>on</strong>s, and transparency measures of START Itwenty years later, or reach agreement <strong>on</strong> the New START in Praguein 2010. If this first step to demilitarize space through the verifiableprohibiti<strong>on</strong> of all anti-satellite systems and space-based ABM testingis taken, however, limited though it may be, it could be followed byother, more sweeping and intrusive verificati<strong>on</strong> measures, as happenedfor strategic nuclear arms limitati<strong>on</strong>.The possibility for indirectly developing anti-satellite capabilitiesthrough related fields of military technology does not provide anyassurance that these would functi<strong>on</strong> properly under actual wartimec<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s, particularly if they involve not dem<strong>on</strong>strative acti<strong>on</strong>s, buta rapid and coordinated strike against the adversary’s space-basedsatellite c<strong>on</strong>stellati<strong>on</strong>s as a whole to bring about a fundamental andirreplaceable degradati<strong>on</strong> of that adversary’s overall military capability.In exactly the same way, development of an ability to interceptballistic missiles with space-based ABM systems would not grantany assurance that it would be capable of countering great numbersof missiles and warheads in flight unless the combat platforms weredeployed and tested in orbit. Without full-scale testing, the nati<strong>on</strong>sresp<strong>on</strong>sible would never deploy such expensive weap<strong>on</strong>s systems sovitally important for military planning. Besides, such future spacebasedABM systems could be countered using other asymmetricmeans and measures.With the change of U.S. administrati<strong>on</strong>s in 2008 and the deepeningglobal financial and ec<strong>on</strong>omic crisis, the prospects of an expensiveand complex strategic ABM system (in particular a space-basedversi<strong>on</strong>) being built by the United States are dubious. This is especiallytrue of space-to-Earth weap<strong>on</strong>s.Finally, the main argument in favor of the proposed treaty is basedup<strong>on</strong> the questi<strong>on</strong> of what kind of realistic alternative there could

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