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Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

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388<str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Reset</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Arms Reducti<strong>on</strong> and N<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong>assumed that the main provisi<strong>on</strong>s of the Treaty could be negotiatedas early as the spring of 1995 to expedite the permanent extensi<strong>on</strong>of the NPT.The key comp<strong>on</strong>ents and primary problem areas in the futureTreaty were quickly identified at the very beginning of these negotiati<strong>on</strong>s;the most significant of these related to the scope of itsapplicability and methods of implementati<strong>on</strong>, including the creati<strong>on</strong>of the Comprehensive <str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> Test Ban Treaty Organizati<strong>on</strong>,the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s under which it would take effect, the durati<strong>on</strong> of validityandthe c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s for withdrawing from the Treaty. One especiallycomplex and large group of issues related to the verificati<strong>on</strong>of CTBT compliance.With regard to the scope of applicability, the problem involvedidentifying the specific activities to be banned under the Treaty andthe boundaries of such prohibiti<strong>on</strong>. In the practical sense, this relatedin particular to the issue of the permissibility of peaceful nucleardet<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>s, which China favored, but France, Great Britain,the United States, and almost all of the n<strong>on</strong>-nuclear states involvedin the negotiati<strong>on</strong>s opposed. The arguments against allowing peacefulnuclear explosi<strong>on</strong>s revolved around the possible military advantagethat could be c<strong>on</strong>cealed in such explosi<strong>on</strong>s, the absence of awell-reas<strong>on</strong>ed verificati<strong>on</strong> mechanism to exclude such advantage,the danger of adverse ecological c<strong>on</strong>sequences from radioactive c<strong>on</strong>taminati<strong>on</strong>,and the lack of any actual projects that would have anysignificant ec<strong>on</strong>omic benefit.Another illustrati<strong>on</strong> of the complexity of the problem of identifyingthe boundaries of the Treaty’s scope of applicati<strong>on</strong> may be seenin the positi<strong>on</strong> taken by some of the nati<strong>on</strong>s of the N<strong>on</strong>-AlignedMovement when they demanded that the ban apply not <strong>on</strong>ly to nucleardet<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>s, but also to the n<strong>on</strong>-explosive weap<strong>on</strong>s activity thatostensibly allowed the nuclear powers to create new types of nuclearweap<strong>on</strong>s without carrying out test det<strong>on</strong>ati<strong>on</strong>s. On the other hand,the need for the nuclear powers to maintain the reliability and safetyof their existing arsenals required them to carry out corresp<strong>on</strong>dingactivities that, at the very least, were near threshold in nature.At the initial stage, these c<strong>on</strong>cerns were reflected by the positi<strong>on</strong>sof France and Great Britain, which advocated the right of the nuclearpowers to c<strong>on</strong>duct full-scale testing under limited c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s. This,however, was not supported by the other members of the “nuclearclub” (not to menti<strong>on</strong> the n<strong>on</strong>-nuclear countries), and was dropped.

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