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Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

Nuclear Reset - Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation (POSSE)

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376<str<strong>on</strong>g>Nuclear</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Reset</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Arms Reducti<strong>on</strong> and N<strong>on</strong>proliferati<strong>on</strong>Military and Technical Aspects of NFUThe United States and Russia do not have now, nor are they likelyto have any time so<strong>on</strong>, an ability to carry out a disarming strike,since under any scenario either nati<strong>on</strong> would retain enough weap<strong>on</strong>sto deliver a destructive counterstrike against the other. The essenceof maintaining strategic stability is to preserve this situati<strong>on</strong>at lower force levels through new disarmament agreements. In thisway, a pledge of no first use of nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s between the UnitedStates and Russia could be guaranteed in terms of strategic weap<strong>on</strong>snot <strong>on</strong> words al<strong>on</strong>e, but also <strong>on</strong> a military and technical basis. Noc<strong>on</strong>ceivable U.S. BMD or air defense system could possibly alter thissituati<strong>on</strong> for the foreseeable future as l<strong>on</strong>g as Russia maintains a sufficientretaliatory potential with account taken of the U.S. nuclearcounterforce capabilities.France and Great Britain also lack a capability of carrying outa disarming strike against Russia, whether independently or jointlywith the United States, while Russia for its part would also be incapableof destroying the relatively small but highly-survivable strategicforces of the two nati<strong>on</strong>s. Moreover, their security is also guaranteedby U.S. obligati<strong>on</strong>s within the NATO framework. Thus, thereis a military and technical comp<strong>on</strong>ent for NFU existing at the levelof strategic nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s in the c<strong>on</strong>text of Russian relati<strong>on</strong>s withFrance and Great Britain, as well.In terms of Russian-Chinese strategic relati<strong>on</strong>s, Russia c<strong>on</strong>tinuesfor the time being to enjoy a large military superiority (includinga c<strong>on</strong>siderable counterforce capability), which it is likely to retainfor at least the next decade. However, as the Chinese mobile missileforces c<strong>on</strong>tinue to develop (and c<strong>on</strong>sidering their intermediaterange systems), the military and technical basis for a mutual NFUwould also be strengthened in Russian-Chinese relati<strong>on</strong>s. In China’srelati<strong>on</strong>s with France and Great Britain, a mutual obligati<strong>on</strong> notto use nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s first would be a product of the fact that theirterritories remain bey<strong>on</strong>d the reach of the greater part of the other’sstrategic forces.The United States enjoys a massive nuclear advantage over Chinathat it will retain for the foreseeable future, including significantcounterforce capabilities. However, China’s ability to deliver a sec<strong>on</strong>dstrike will also gradually increase, adding to the capabilities

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