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The world according to Monsanto : pollution, corruption, and

The world according to Monsanto : pollution, corruption, and

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106 the <strong>world</strong> <strong>according</strong> <strong>to</strong> monsan<strong>to</strong>opinion in opposition <strong>to</strong> his,” the whistle-blowers wrote. “<strong>The</strong> basis of ourconcern is that Dr. Livings<strong>to</strong>n had Dr. Miller write a policy on use of antimicrobialsin milk. She picked an arbitrary <strong>and</strong> scientifically unsupportednumber of 1 ppm as being the allowable amount of antimicrobial in milkpermitted without any consumer safety testing. This is for an antimicrobial.A cow could be treated with several antibiotics <strong>and</strong> each one would be permitted<strong>to</strong> be in milk at a level of 1 ppm without additional consumer safetytesting. Effects of the different antibiotics could be addititive <strong>and</strong> this is nottaken in<strong>to</strong> account.”“As soon as we learned of this letter, we began <strong>to</strong> hope again,” recounted JeremyRifkin, the media-savvy president of the Foundation on EconomicTrends, whom I met in his Bethesda office in July 2006. Author of the bestseller<strong>The</strong> Biotech Century, this economist was unquestionably the first Americanintellectual <strong>to</strong> recognize what was at stake with rBGH, the initial GMOproduct put on the market by Monsan<strong>to</strong>. 21 He launched a national campaignin February 1994, which he called the “Pure Food Campaign.” In televisionarchives he can be seen pouring containers of milk in<strong>to</strong> the gutters of NewYork as a young activist accosts passers-by. “Transgenic growth hormone is atest <strong>to</strong> persuade us <strong>to</strong> accept GMOs,” she shouts through a megaphone, br<strong>and</strong>ishinga sign reading “No <strong>to</strong> transgenic milk!” Relying on the anonymous letterfrom the CVM whistle-blowers, Jeremy Rifkin managed <strong>to</strong> convince threemembers of Congress <strong>to</strong> ask the GAO <strong>to</strong> open an investigation. <strong>The</strong> investigativearm of Congress, which had just pathetically buried its first investigationof the health risks of rBGH, opened a second one, this time on a possibleconflict of interest affecting FDA h<strong>and</strong>ling of the question.* Under scrutinywere Susan Sechen, Margaret Miller, <strong>and</strong> a man named Michael Taylor.Taylor perfectly embodies the revolving door system <strong>and</strong>, beyond that, thelinks between Monsan<strong>to</strong> <strong>and</strong> U.S. regula<strong>to</strong>ry agencies. According <strong>to</strong> his résumé,this lawyer, born in 1949, worked first at the FDA (from 1976 <strong>to</strong>1980), where he helped draft documents concerning food safety for the FederalRegister. In 1981 he joined the prestigious firm of King <strong>and</strong> Spaldingin Atlanta, whose clients included Coca-Cola <strong>and</strong> Monsan<strong>to</strong>. On July 17,1991, he was appointed deputy commissioner for policy of the FDA, a posi-*On April 15, 1994, the three members of Congress wrote <strong>to</strong> the GAO explaining that the first investigationfailed “because of the refusal by the Monsan<strong>to</strong> company <strong>to</strong> communicate all availableclinical data on rBGH.”

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