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The Spatial Concentration of Subsidized Housing - Poverty & Race ...

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factors are important, tract-specific attributes account for the great majority <strong>of</strong> thechange in census-tract poverty rates between decades” (p. 81). This study is veryimportant in our understanding <strong>of</strong> the continued negative impact <strong>of</strong> site-based housing,but given that vouchers have become the primary subsidy type, it would be importantto know more about their impacts on neighborhoods as well as the mix <strong>of</strong> site-basedand tenant-based assistance.<strong>Concentration</strong> <strong>of</strong> Public <strong>Housing</strong>Coulibaly, Green and James (1998) study the concentration <strong>of</strong> public housingfrom 1932-1992. <strong>The</strong> earliest public housing (1932-41) was built in low-income areaswhere the land was cheap which was necessitated due to recisions in funding. <strong>The</strong>program funded demolition <strong>of</strong> existing units in low-income areas (slum clearance) tocreate the land for the public housing so there was no effort to deconcentrate by sitingpublic housing in non-racially or income segregated areas. Temporary housing duringthe war (1941-1953) was constructed in locations near war industries andtransportation but units were unevenly demolished after the war primarily if they werelocated in non-low-income areas leaving temporary constructed houses in high-povertyareas. Over 80 percent <strong>of</strong> urban renewal units (1953-60) were located in low-incomeareas. Some public housing was constructed during this period for white elderlyhouseholds in suburban areas which improved the income concentration but not theracial concentration in public housing. One indicator <strong>of</strong> whether public housing had18

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