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Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan

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Language Perception 54<br />

<strong>in</strong>g that a word is semantically <strong>in</strong>congruent to the context (the picture). An N400 was<br />

also observed <strong>in</strong> 30-month-olds when a word is <strong>in</strong>congruent to its sentential contexts<br />

(Silva Pereyra, Klarman, L<strong>in</strong>, & Kuhl, 2005). Children that are at-risk for language<br />

impairment <strong>of</strong>ten late acquire their first words. In accordance, Friedrich <strong>and</strong> Friederici<br />

(2006) demonstrated that the presence <strong>of</strong> an N400 at 19 months – as an <strong>in</strong>dicator <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>tact semantic process<strong>in</strong>g – was associated with later age-adequate expressive language<br />

skills while its absence was l<strong>in</strong>ked with later poor expressive language skills.<br />

Later, children start to process phrases <strong>and</strong> sentences, <strong>and</strong> beg<strong>in</strong> to acquire syntactic<br />

regularities. Syntactic violations <strong>of</strong>ten elicit a biphasic ERP pattern <strong>in</strong> adults: An ELAN<br />

appears around 200 ms <strong>and</strong> is taken to reflect early <strong>and</strong> fairly automatic processes <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>itial syntactic structure build<strong>in</strong>g. It is usually followed by a P600 that has a higher<br />

latency <strong>and</strong> is related to processes <strong>of</strong> syntactic reanalysis <strong>and</strong> repair. Such an adult-like<br />

ERP response was found <strong>in</strong> 32 month old children (Oberecker, Friedrich, & Friederici,<br />

2005). In this experiment children were presented with syntactically correct or syntactically<br />

<strong>in</strong>correct sentences (with active mode construction). The syntactically <strong>in</strong>correct<br />

sentences conta<strong>in</strong>ed a phrase structure violation (a preposition not followed by a noun<br />

phrase). In younger children only a P600 is found while an ELAN-like response seems<br />

absent (Oberecker & Friederici, 2006 [at 24 months]; Silva Pereyra et al., 2005 [at 30<br />

months]). For syntactically more complex, passive sentences, Hahne, Eckste<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

Friederici (2004) demonstrated a comparable developmental pattern with a P600 that<br />

can be observed even <strong>in</strong> six-year-olds. Instead <strong>of</strong> ELAN <strong>in</strong> children between 7 <strong>and</strong> 13<br />

years a susta<strong>in</strong>ed syntactic negativity (that has a higher latency than the ERAN <strong>and</strong> a<br />

more susta<strong>in</strong>ed time course) was found. It gradually develops <strong>in</strong>to the ELAN which is<br />

usually observed <strong>in</strong> older children <strong>and</strong> adults.<br />

Regard<strong>in</strong>g the functional-anatomical organization <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fants’ language perception,<br />

Dehaene-Lambertz et al. (2006) provided evidence that 3 month old <strong>in</strong>fants’ language<br />

process<strong>in</strong>g is conf<strong>in</strong>ed to regions that are similar to those observed <strong>in</strong> adults <strong>in</strong> both<br />

their localization <strong>and</strong> their lateralization. They further <strong>in</strong>vestigated the time course <strong>of</strong><br />

this process<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> observed the fastest responses <strong>in</strong> the vic<strong>in</strong>ity <strong>of</strong> Heschl’s gyrus,<br />

whereas responses became <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly delayed toward the posterior part <strong>of</strong> the superior<br />

temporal gyrus (STG), <strong>and</strong> toward the temporal pole <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal regions.<br />

The activity <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal region was sensitive to the immediate repetition<br />

<strong>of</strong> the sentence. Imada et al. (2006) <strong>in</strong>vestigated discrim<strong>in</strong>ative responses to pure<br />

tones, harmonic tones, <strong>and</strong> syllables with MEG <strong>in</strong> neonates, 6-month-old <strong>in</strong>fants, <strong>and</strong><br />

12-month-old <strong>in</strong>fants. They found evidence for a contribution <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal<br />

cortex to speech-sound discrim<strong>in</strong>ation that was present <strong>in</strong> 6 <strong>and</strong> 12 month old <strong>in</strong>fants.

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