Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan
Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan
Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan
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Language Perception 54<br />
<strong>in</strong>g that a word is semantically <strong>in</strong>congruent to the context (the picture). An N400 was<br />
also observed <strong>in</strong> 30-month-olds when a word is <strong>in</strong>congruent to its sentential contexts<br />
(Silva Pereyra, Klarman, L<strong>in</strong>, & Kuhl, 2005). Children that are at-risk for language<br />
impairment <strong>of</strong>ten late acquire their first words. In accordance, Friedrich <strong>and</strong> Friederici<br />
(2006) demonstrated that the presence <strong>of</strong> an N400 at 19 months – as an <strong>in</strong>dicator <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>tact semantic process<strong>in</strong>g – was associated with later age-adequate expressive language<br />
skills while its absence was l<strong>in</strong>ked with later poor expressive language skills.<br />
Later, children start to process phrases <strong>and</strong> sentences, <strong>and</strong> beg<strong>in</strong> to acquire syntactic<br />
regularities. Syntactic violations <strong>of</strong>ten elicit a biphasic ERP pattern <strong>in</strong> adults: An ELAN<br />
appears around 200 ms <strong>and</strong> is taken to reflect early <strong>and</strong> fairly automatic processes <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>itial syntactic structure build<strong>in</strong>g. It is usually followed by a P600 that has a higher<br />
latency <strong>and</strong> is related to processes <strong>of</strong> syntactic reanalysis <strong>and</strong> repair. Such an adult-like<br />
ERP response was found <strong>in</strong> 32 month old children (Oberecker, Friedrich, & Friederici,<br />
2005). In this experiment children were presented with syntactically correct or syntactically<br />
<strong>in</strong>correct sentences (with active mode construction). The syntactically <strong>in</strong>correct<br />
sentences conta<strong>in</strong>ed a phrase structure violation (a preposition not followed by a noun<br />
phrase). In younger children only a P600 is found while an ELAN-like response seems<br />
absent (Oberecker & Friederici, 2006 [at 24 months]; Silva Pereyra et al., 2005 [at 30<br />
months]). For syntactically more complex, passive sentences, Hahne, Eckste<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
Friederici (2004) demonstrated a comparable developmental pattern with a P600 that<br />
can be observed even <strong>in</strong> six-year-olds. Instead <strong>of</strong> ELAN <strong>in</strong> children between 7 <strong>and</strong> 13<br />
years a susta<strong>in</strong>ed syntactic negativity (that has a higher latency than the ERAN <strong>and</strong> a<br />
more susta<strong>in</strong>ed time course) was found. It gradually develops <strong>in</strong>to the ELAN which is<br />
usually observed <strong>in</strong> older children <strong>and</strong> adults.<br />
Regard<strong>in</strong>g the functional-anatomical organization <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fants’ language perception,<br />
Dehaene-Lambertz et al. (2006) provided evidence that 3 month old <strong>in</strong>fants’ language<br />
process<strong>in</strong>g is conf<strong>in</strong>ed to regions that are similar to those observed <strong>in</strong> adults <strong>in</strong> both<br />
their localization <strong>and</strong> their lateralization. They further <strong>in</strong>vestigated the time course <strong>of</strong><br />
this process<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> observed the fastest responses <strong>in</strong> the vic<strong>in</strong>ity <strong>of</strong> Heschl’s gyrus,<br />
whereas responses became <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly delayed toward the posterior part <strong>of</strong> the superior<br />
temporal gyrus (STG), <strong>and</strong> toward the temporal pole <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal regions.<br />
The activity <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal region was sensitive to the immediate repetition<br />
<strong>of</strong> the sentence. Imada et al. (2006) <strong>in</strong>vestigated discrim<strong>in</strong>ative responses to pure<br />
tones, harmonic tones, <strong>and</strong> syllables with MEG <strong>in</strong> neonates, 6-month-old <strong>in</strong>fants, <strong>and</strong><br />
12-month-old <strong>in</strong>fants. They found evidence for a contribution <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal<br />
cortex to speech-sound discrim<strong>in</strong>ation that was present <strong>in</strong> 6 <strong>and</strong> 12 month old <strong>in</strong>fants.