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Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan

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Language Perception 71<br />

The activation <strong>of</strong> the IFG (specifically Broca’s area, BA 44/45) has been reported <strong>in</strong><br />

many studies <strong>of</strong> both syntactic comprehension <strong>and</strong> production (e.g., Caplan et al., 1998;<br />

Dapretto & Bookheimer, 1999; Embick, Marantz, Miyashita, O'Neil, & Sakai, 2000;<br />

Friederici, Bahlmann et al., 2006 [for a review]; Friederici, Fiebach, Schlesewsky,<br />

Bornkessel, & von Cramon, 2006; Friederici, Meyer et al., 2000; Grewe et al., 2005;<br />

Homae, Hashimoto, Nakajima, Miyashita, & Sakai, 2002; Indefrey, Hagoort, Herzog,<br />

Seitz, & Brown, 2001; Just et al., 1996; Kaan & Swaab, 2002; Kang, Constable, Gore,<br />

& Avrut<strong>in</strong>, 1999; M. Meyer et al., 2000; Moro et al., 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Ni et<br />

al., 2000; Stromswold et al., 1996). From this evidence, it has been concluded that this<br />

area has a privileged status with respect to syntax process<strong>in</strong>g. Early studies by Caplan et<br />

al. (1998) <strong>and</strong> Just et al. (1996) already found <strong>in</strong>creased activity <strong>in</strong> the IFG dur<strong>in</strong>g additional<br />

resource allocation to syntactic complexity.<br />

Friederici, Meyer, <strong>and</strong> von Cramon (2000) concurrently varied the semanticity (words<br />

vs. pseudowords) <strong>and</strong> the syntacticity (sentences vs. word lists) <strong>of</strong> their stimuli <strong>and</strong><br />

found frontal activation <strong>in</strong> response to semantic as well as to syntactic violations. An<br />

<strong>in</strong>crease <strong>of</strong> activation bilaterally <strong>in</strong> the planum polare, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the left deep frontal operculum<br />

was exclusively found for syntactic process<strong>in</strong>g. Meyer, Friederici, <strong>and</strong> von<br />

Cramon (2000) extended these f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs, demonstrat<strong>in</strong>g a stronger <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>of</strong> the<br />

right peri-sylvian cortex, <strong>in</strong> particular, when task dem<strong>and</strong>s required an on-l<strong>in</strong>e repair <strong>of</strong><br />

ungrammatical sentences: while left hemisphere activation varied as a function <strong>of</strong> a<br />

sentence’s grammaticality, the right IFG (pars opercularis <strong>and</strong> pars triangularis), the<br />

right temporal transverse gyrus (Heschl’s gyrus) <strong>and</strong> the anterior portion <strong>of</strong> the STG<br />

bilaterally (planum polare) were more strongly affected by a grammatical repair task.<br />

Friederici et al., (2003) found dist<strong>in</strong>ct areas specialized for semantic <strong>and</strong> syntactic processes:<br />

<strong>Process<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>of</strong> semantic violations relied primarily on the mid-portion <strong>of</strong> the superior<br />

temporal region bilaterally <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>sular cortex bilaterally, whereas process<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />

syntactic violations specifically <strong>in</strong>volved the anterior portion <strong>of</strong> the left STG, the left<br />

posterior frontal operculum <strong>and</strong> the putamen <strong>in</strong> the left basal ganglia. Grewe (2005)<br />

demonstrated an activation <strong>of</strong> the left IFG (pars opercularis) that extended <strong>in</strong>to the deep<br />

frontal operculum when process<strong>in</strong>g complex (permuted) sentences. They suggest that<br />

the pars opercularis is selectively sensitive to the language-specific l<strong>in</strong>earization <strong>of</strong><br />

hierarchical l<strong>in</strong>guistic dependencies while the deep frontal operculum is crucial for the<br />

detection <strong>of</strong> ungrammaticality. Likewise, Friederici, Fiebach et al. (2006) demonstrated<br />

a dissociation with<strong>in</strong> the left <strong>in</strong>ferior frontal cortex between the deep frontal operculum<br />

– respond<strong>in</strong>g to syntactic violations – <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior portion <strong>of</strong> the left pars opercularis<br />

(BA 44) – modulated by the complexity <strong>of</strong> well-formed sentences. The authors<br />

claimed, BA 44/45’s function is to support the hierarchical reconstruction <strong>of</strong> the syntac-

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