Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan
Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan
Neural Correlates of Processing Syntax in Music and ... - PubMan
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
Language Perception 67<br />
An N400 may be elicited when a word rendered a sentence semantically <strong>in</strong>congruent<br />
(Holcomb & Neville, 1991; Kutas & Hillyard, 1980), when the verb argument structure<br />
is violated (Friederici & Meyer, 2004), when an unexpected but correct word category<br />
appeared (H<strong>in</strong>ojosa, Moreno, Casado, Munoz, & Pozo, 2005), or when thematic roles<br />
can not be assigned (Frisch & Schlesewsky, 2001).<br />
An important issue is how lexical-semantic <strong>and</strong> syntactic processes <strong>in</strong>teract. Hahne <strong>and</strong><br />
Friederici (2002) found that the double violation also elicited a biphasic ELAN-P600<br />
pattern, but no N400. This provides strong support for the <strong>in</strong>dependence <strong>of</strong> the early<br />
syntactic processes from semantic <strong>in</strong>formation. It further demonstrates that early syntactic<br />
processes can <strong>in</strong>fluence the follow<strong>in</strong>g semantic processes (suppress<strong>in</strong>g the N400).<br />
Friederici, Gunter, Hahne, <strong>and</strong> Mauth (2004) set out to <strong>in</strong>vestigate whether this result<br />
was due to the temporal order<strong>in</strong>g (syntactic <strong>in</strong>formation is available prior to semantic<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation) or whether it is functionally based (syntactic <strong>in</strong>formation is used prior to<br />
semantic <strong>in</strong>formation). The syntactic violation was, thus, either realized <strong>in</strong> the prefix or<br />
<strong>in</strong> the suffix. The double violation elicited a left anterior negativity (resembl<strong>in</strong>g an<br />
ELAN, s<strong>in</strong>ce the word category decision po<strong>in</strong>t was later), no N400, <strong>and</strong> a P600 which<br />
was larger for the double violation than for the s<strong>in</strong>gle syntax violation condition. The<br />
results <strong>of</strong> both studies provided clear evidence for the functional <strong>in</strong>dependence <strong>of</strong> structure-build<strong>in</strong>g<br />
processes from semantic <strong>in</strong>formation: the ELAN is elicited even when the<br />
word category <strong>in</strong>formation (suffix) becomes available after the semantic <strong>in</strong>formation<br />
(word stem).<br />
Friederici, von Cramon, <strong>and</strong> Kotz (2007) demonstrated an <strong>in</strong>teraction <strong>of</strong> prosodic with<br />
syntactic <strong>in</strong>formation (a violation <strong>of</strong> the verb argument structure) <strong>in</strong> an ERP experiment<br />
<strong>in</strong> patients with lesions <strong>in</strong> the posterior corpus callosum (CC) <strong>and</strong> normal controls. They<br />
underl<strong>in</strong>ed the crucial <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>of</strong> the posterior third <strong>of</strong> the CC <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terhemispheric<br />
<strong>in</strong>terplay <strong>of</strong> suprasegmental prosodic <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>and</strong> syntactic <strong>in</strong>formation: In<br />
the controls an N400-like effect was found for prosodically mismatch<strong>in</strong>g verb argument<br />
structures (<strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g a stable <strong>in</strong>terplay between prosody <strong>and</strong> syntax). In contrast, patients<br />
with lesions <strong>in</strong> the posterior third <strong>of</strong> the CC did not show this effect whereas a<br />
prosody-<strong>in</strong>dependent semantic N400 effect could be elicited.<br />
A LAN (between 300 <strong>and</strong> 500 ms) was <strong>of</strong>ten found <strong>in</strong> studies <strong>in</strong>vestigat<strong>in</strong>g processes <strong>of</strong><br />
thematic role assignment based on morphosyntactic <strong>in</strong>formation that signals agreement<br />
between different phrases or between elements with<strong>in</strong> a phrase. These studies <strong>of</strong>ten used<br />
violations <strong>of</strong> either agreement <strong>in</strong>formation (e.g., subject-verb agreement, Hagoort &<br />
Brown, 2000) or verb-argument structure <strong>in</strong>formation (e.g., Rösler, Friederici, Pütz, &<br />
Hahne, 1993). Aga<strong>in</strong>, the question arises <strong>in</strong> how far these processes <strong>in</strong>teract with early<br />
syntactic processes. Rossi, Gugler, Hahne, <strong>and</strong> Friederici (2005) did not observe an