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572 NURISTANIS<br />

symbolized in institutionalized feast-giving, through which the giver gained both<br />

purity and formal social rank.<br />

In contemporary Nuristan the basic sociopolitical unit is the village. Each<br />

village is surrounded by agricultural land owned by the male heads of households,<br />

and associated with each village are seasonally used alpine and lowland grazing<br />

areas to which male residents have hereditary rights.<br />

There are no formally constituted offices of political leadership in Nuristani<br />

society. Within the village, leadership is dominated by men who have informally<br />

distinguished themselves in fostering the cohesiveness of the community. Leaders<br />

promote their views at open community conferences, which are convened whenever<br />

decisions affecting the entire community must be made. At such conferences<br />

an adept leader may be delegated whatever authority he needs to resolve a<br />

community crisis, as long as he has the consensus of the other political leaders.<br />

When the crisis is resolved or his consensus wanes, he resumes his normal role<br />

in the community.<br />

Political leaders emerge primarily through their demonstrated ability to mediate<br />

interpersonal conflicts that arise within the community. Nuristani society lacks<br />

formal structures, such as courts, to resolve such conflicts, and the role of<br />

mediator is crucial to the maintenance of social cohesion. In Nuristan conflicts<br />

are always resolvable by appropriate compensation as determined through mediation.<br />

Blood money is required in disputes involving bloodshed. Such disputes<br />

are considered particularly dangerous for the community, because until blood<br />

payment is met, the aggrieved or his agnatic kinsmen may extract blood vengeance.<br />

The potential for unresolved disputes to escalate into bloodshed is the<br />

major motivation for civic-minded men to step forward as mediators.<br />

To enforce village laws enacted by the village leaders in community conferences,<br />

the men of the village annually choose a group of village policemen.<br />

Such policemen are representatives of agnatic lineages or village divisions and<br />

are primarily involved with regulating irrigation, harvesting and the transhumant<br />

schedule. They are empowered to fine transgressors according to traditional rates.<br />

Fines are usually split between the policemen and the village treasury, which is<br />

maintained to subsidize expenses incurred in conducting external political affairs.<br />

Kinship, especially agnatic kinship, is the basis for cooperation among Nuristanis.<br />

Agnates are obliged to support each other in time of crisis or need. One<br />

also draws economic support from his mother's agnates. Nuristanis model agnation<br />

by a tree metaphor in which agnatic lineages are the "branches." Before<br />

Islam, marriage to the daughter of an agnate was considered incestuous and a<br />

cause for the "branch to be split." Nowadays marriage between agnates is losing<br />

its stigma because there is no such prohibition under Islamic law.<br />

Because kinship is the fundamental interpersonal tie, Nuristanis who have<br />

frequent dealings in other Nuristani villages will adopt men from such villages<br />

as brothers. Along with intermarriages, such adoptive ties form the primary links<br />

between the different Nuristani peoples.<br />

Property and rights to grazing areas are inherited patrifilially, usually while

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