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MARANAO 497<br />

or indirectly to one another, and this relationship is carefully recorded in an<br />

individual's genealogy. Thus the Maranao live closely not only with the members<br />

of their immediate family, but also with their more distant relatives. As a result,<br />

they develop strong ties of loyalty to their kinsmen.<br />

Special occasions, such as marriage, death or a unique individual achievement<br />

(finishing an Islamic course at Al Azhar University in Cairo, for example), call<br />

for a feast, at which there may be all or some of the following activities: chanting<br />

the individual's genealogy, playing musical instruments, singing folk tunes,<br />

telling folk tales, playing games, dancing. All these are highly developed folk<br />

arts among the Maranao. The gathering together of all the relatives at such a<br />

feast serves to renew and strengthen kinship ties.<br />

By virtue of the prominence of a bilateral descent system, a Maranao possesses<br />

membership in several villages at the same time. Membership is based on kinship,<br />

not on residency, and an individual inherits kinship both from his father's and<br />

from his mother's side. This is complicated by the tendency toward exogamy,<br />

i.e., people tend to marry outside their own traditional descent group. Obviously<br />

an individual can live in only one village at a time, even though he can claim<br />

membership, with its concomitant rights, privileges, duties and responsibilities,<br />

in several villages. There may also be people whose residence is in the territory<br />

of a village community, but they are not members of that traditional village<br />

community because they do not have the lineage required for membership in<br />

that particular village. Thus Maranao perceive of villages as communities of<br />

persons who share a descent group or a set of descent groups rather than places<br />

or spatial territories. Furthermore, there is fluidity and change in the active<br />

membership of a particular village, since an individual Maranao usually claims<br />

only a portion of his descent group duties some of the time. His personality and<br />

the amount of his energy and ambition determine the number of village communities<br />

he can participate in and the extent of his participation.<br />

While an individual's rights and duties are determined by his descent line,<br />

his personal prestige and his ultimate ranking in the total society as seen by<br />

himself and by others will largely be determined by acquired skills (as an orator,<br />

a Quran reader, an authority on law) and his performance as a leader in his<br />

village community (settling disputes, bravery in battle, avenging an insult or<br />

killing of a close relative). A person with a low-ranking lineage may achieve<br />

high status in the society by virtue of his personal skills and attributes. This<br />

arrangement allows for social mobility and accounts for the competitiveness and<br />

the tendency toward conflict in Maranao society.<br />

Maranao Islam (Shafi school) shows vestiges of Sufi influence, notably in<br />

some loan words and in some group chants at religious ceremonies. Pre-Islamic<br />

beliefs and practices, especially those related to agriculture, the cycles of nature<br />

and the spirit world, are more prevalent in the rural areas than in the urban<br />

centers. The Maranao practice of the Islamic religion has been influenced by<br />

Arab teachers who lived among and taught the Maranao, by young men and<br />

women who have studied Islamic subjects in Middle East Arab schools and have

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