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WAYTO 853<br />

source of the Blue Nile. A reliable little rainy season in March and April is<br />

followed by the big rains from mid-June through September, in which about 80<br />

percent of the annual precipitation of 40 to 52 inches falls. Vegetation of the<br />

shore and islands varies from firm-soil grassland, to papyrus swamp, to deciduous<br />

forest remnants.<br />

Over the past 50 years or so, the Wayto have undergone an economic transition<br />

from a life-way of hunters-fishers to one of cultivator-craftsmen-fishers. This<br />

transition of material base of sustenance has profoundly affected most other<br />

aspects of their culture. Wayto culture rested upon the hippopotamus, which<br />

thickly populated the Tana shores through the beginning of the twentieth century.<br />

At that time, the Wayto were contacted by the price-making market economy<br />

of Europe, then spreading over the globe by the impetus of advanced industrial<br />

technology. During the course of trade which included rifles for the hippo ivory,<br />

the Wayto reduced the teaming herds of hippopotami in the Tana basin to just<br />

a few survivors by 1940. Formerly, large-scale hunting was supplemented by<br />

fishing, some gathering of plants and exchange of hippo by-products for food<br />

and craft items not produced by the Wayto. For several decades now, the very<br />

basis of Wayto society literally has been shot out from under it, just as the bison,<br />

as the economic foundation of Plains Indians in North America, were destroyed<br />

with rifles.<br />

Currently, as in the past, the basic building block of Wayto society is the<br />

patrilocal, patrilineal band. Each band contains several families, usually monogamous<br />

and rarely polygynous, of a nuclear mode of organization which<br />

sometimes develops into an extended mode. The band was and is sedentary with<br />

several permanent hamlets of 3 to 5 houses and sometimes a larger settlement,<br />

or village, of 10 or more houses. All are in the midst of a demarcated hunting<br />

territory along the shore. Houses are a wattle-and-daub or reed-walled cylinder<br />

topped with a thatched cone roof. The houses are similar to, but less substantial<br />

than those of their non-Wayto neighbors, who are more prosperous. By the<br />

1960s, many band members had dispersed from their home territories to cultivate<br />

at places inland from the lake shore.<br />

A band had an informal council of male elders, but this institution is now<br />

almost entirely gone. In the past, they adjudicated disputes and also met with<br />

councils of other bands to discuss territorial boundaries. Another Wayto wielder<br />

of some political authority is the nagadras. He is appointed by the government<br />

with the consent of the Wayto involved. The nagadras leads a band, or today<br />

the remnants of more than one band, and generally keeps the peace and attempts<br />

to settle local disputes. He also enforces Amhara feudal tax laws on any Wayto<br />

who plow land. No taxes exist for foraging activities. Therefore, as long as game<br />

and fish were sufficient for Wayto needs, the tax laws had a latent function of<br />

reinforcing the traditional foraging way of life. To keep out of the grasp of the<br />

state and its taxes, Wayto maintained their hunting ways. Thus, they existed<br />

within the territory of the Ethiopian state but were not a part of it.<br />

Consumption of hippopotami engenders a societal boundary-maintaining

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