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WANA 851<br />

and a decline in quality of resins from central Sulawesi, the resin trade has fallen<br />

off. In the mid-1970s, Wana were selling rice for coastal goods, a hardship in<br />

a subsistence-based economy. The rice helped to support the coastal settlements,<br />

whose largely Muslim populations engage in copra production and sea-oriented<br />

activities like fishing and trading.<br />

Wana vaccilate in their coastal-mountain orientation. While drawn to the coast<br />

as a source of much desired trade goods, many Wasa resist the loss of autonomy<br />

lowland life entails. Many move to foothill settlements to improve their economic<br />

lot. Often such moves entail conversion to Islam or Christianity. Financially<br />

disadvantaged, many return to interior settlements, where they shed their religious<br />

affiliations and resume their former existence.<br />

Wana culture bears the imprint of generations of contact with such coastal<br />

Muslim peoples as the immigrant Bugis (see Bugis). Like hill peoples elsewhere<br />

in island Southeast Asia, Wana use the image of siblingship to express the relation<br />

between themselves and the lowlanders. Once there were two brothers, they say.<br />

The elder one remained in the Wana homeland to maintain the traditional ways.<br />

The younger one moved to the lowlands and became a Muslim. Indeed, this<br />

myth may very well reflect historical experience. The To Ampana, Muslim<br />

farmers living along the northern coast of the Wana area, speak a dialect of Taa,<br />

the Wana language, and are recognized as cultural neighbors. In recent years,<br />

a third sibling has been added to the story, reflecting the increasing importance<br />

of Christianity in the Wana region, due in part to a small but significant influx<br />

of Christian Mori into the area.<br />

With their shamanistic tradition unfettered by orthodoxy and open to entrepreneurial<br />

innovation, Wana borrow freely from the Muslims. Be they pagan,<br />

Christian or Muslim, Wana assert the existence of one God and anticipate a<br />

heaven modeled along Islamic lines. Their world is inhabited by spirits such as<br />

jimi (from the Arabic jinn), malaeka (from the Arabic malaikat, the plural form<br />

of malak, or "angel") and nabi (by which Wana mean not prophets in the<br />

Islamic sense, but guardian spirits of people and objects). Do'a, a variant of the<br />

Islamic word for prayer (doa), is the Wana word for magical spells, an important<br />

resource in Wana society. And spells themselves are laced with potent terms<br />

like bisumila (Arabic bi'smi'llahi, "in the name of God"), salama (from the<br />

Arabic salamat, salam, "peace") and ala ta ala (from the Arabic Allah taala,<br />

"God, may He be exalted").<br />

Religion has become a key element in defining Wana identity. For coastal<br />

peoples, the absence of a world religion is a critical feature of the inhabitants<br />

of the Wana hills. An argument could be made that paganism is the creation of<br />

world religions—there are no pagans except through the eyes of believers in<br />

world faiths. That certainly appears to be the case for the Wana. At least as far<br />

back as the beginning of this century, Wana have been aware of their heathen<br />

status vis-a-vis Muslims. Through longstanding relations with Muslims and,<br />

since World War II, with Christians, unconverted Wana have come to articulate

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