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MALAYS 479<br />

occupations. Rural or urban, rubber tapper or government official, almost all<br />

are orthodox in the everyday practice of Islam. And there is little variance in<br />

their animistic and Hindu-Buddhist beliefs and practices except as these relate<br />

to the special ritual of the rice farmer, the ritual language of the tin miner, the<br />

taboos of the fisherman or the weekend feasts of high-ranking government<br />

bureaucrats.<br />

Acts of courtesy comprise a very important aspect of Malay social organization.<br />

Most groups, including many households, are loosely structured, that is,<br />

the commitments of members to a group are usually tentative and may be easily<br />

altered. Within a household, sibling relationships and daughter-parent relationships<br />

are relatively strong, but group loyalty (except recently to Malay ethnic<br />

identity) is not as important as a source of social conformity as adherence to the<br />

rule of Malay courtesy. Formal ceremonies provide important contexts for affirmation<br />

of the rules of courtesy and of the status relationships that structure<br />

Malay social organization. Moreover, much of the symbolism of curing rituals<br />

relates the oral pleasures of feasting to the social pressures of status courtesy.<br />

Various Islamic reform movements have been represented in the Malay world<br />

during the twentieth century, but the most revolutionary in its effect appears to<br />

be the dakwah "missionary" movement of the 1970s, which has convinced some<br />

devout Malays that parts of their own traditional world as well as the modern<br />

Westernized world are not in conformity with the orthodox practice of Islam.<br />

Malays interested in retaining their Malay culture as well as their devotion to<br />

Islam comprise a social category separate from that of the dakwahs, and both<br />

of these are distinct from "secular" Malays, who are concerned with modernization.<br />

The dakwah movement is heavily involved in a persuasive missionary<br />

campaign. One manifestation of this is the magazine Dakwah, which has been<br />

published (in Latin script Malay) since 1977.<br />

Except in rare instances, such as in Sungei Penchala (within the limits of the<br />

metropolitan area of Kuala Lumpur), the dakwah movement has not resulted in<br />

physically separating Malay communities. Traditional, dakwah and secular Malays<br />

live side by side in the same communities. Throughout this ideological<br />

fissioning they have remained together residentially and segregated from other<br />

ethnic communities of Malaysia. Malay ethnic identity has become more important<br />

during this period in part because of the government's efforts to provide<br />

opportunities to recover from the low economic status they held as colonial wards<br />

of the British before independence. Many members of the other ethnic communities,<br />

principally the Chinese and Indians, object to the present advantages<br />

afforded Malays.<br />

BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />

<strong>Books</strong><br />

Ali, Syed Husin. Malay Peasant Stories and Leadership. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University<br />

Press, 1975.

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