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SINYAR 693<br />

Masalit Native Administration, and in 1954 he was succeeded by his son. Over<br />

the years many Chadian Sinyar have settled on Sudanese soil because of better<br />

economic opportunities and the progressive breakdown of services and security<br />

in Chad.<br />

In the course of time during which the Sinyar constituted a semi-autonomous<br />

buffer state of the Keira sultanate of Dar Fur, they culturally became Fur with<br />

admixtures of Daju, Masalit and above all Arab cultures. Today the Sinyar have<br />

no kinship terms, songs, dances and stories, or musical instruments such as a<br />

special type of drum, other than those adopted from the Fur. Most Sinyar are<br />

fluent in Sinyar, Fur and Arabic; quite a few know Daju or Masalit as well.<br />

Thus in contrast to the Fongoro, who have also become Fur culturally, the Sinyar<br />

have preserved their language.<br />

Today the Sinyar live in two countries and are administered by four different<br />

provincial administrations, or rather by two in Sudan and by various rebel groups<br />

in Chad. Internally they are segmented into 18 different sections, of which 8<br />

appear to be headed by a land chief, custodian of the land and the drum which<br />

symbolizes his offices, which is used sparingly in case of sad and festive occasions<br />

and cattle raids. As in surrounding ethnic groups, the land chief is the custodian<br />

of the section's land, which he allocates to members and guests. However, among<br />

groups such as the Masalit the land chief is also head of the diya (blood moneypaying<br />

community). Owing to their small size, the Sinyar collectively contribute<br />

towards the payment of blood money (compensation which relatives of a murderer<br />

pay to relatives of the victim).<br />

Matrilineality was once a dominant factor in Sinyar culture, evident today in<br />

kinship terms whereby the word for father is the same as that for maternal uncle.<br />

Women have significant roles of their own. The compounds often belong to the<br />

wives, and husbands move out when they divorce their wives. Wives may be<br />

economically independent of their husbands. There is considerable marriage<br />

instability, divorce is frequent and fostering of children is common.<br />

More than other groups the Sinyar live and work as extended families encompassing<br />

three or four generations and frequently numbering as many as 60 people<br />

(apart from those absent as a result of labor migration). In such residence units<br />

women frequently outnumber men two to one.<br />

The Sinyar are Muslims, and apart from a few surviving elders who were<br />

Ansar (followers of the Mahdi) in the past, they are little inclined to either<br />

fanaticism or asceticism. Politically they are indifferent to candidates from the<br />

ranks of the traditional rulers and aspirants from the trading and professional<br />

strata and will vote for the most generous candidate, entertaining no illusions<br />

about electoral promises ever becoming reality.<br />

In 1925, Grossard described the Sinyar and their habitat in terms invoking<br />

untempered bliss and contentment: "Living in a fertile country in which the<br />

resources of hunting and fishing contribute to those of cultivation, the Sinyar<br />

are kind epicureans, fond of music, dance and even more of millet beer." Today,<br />

more than half a century later this picture is still largely true, most of all because

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