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QASHQA'I 635<br />

Shiraz to make or discharge vows. Qashqa'i women, therefore, use the more<br />

accessible and supposedly efficacious aspects of Islam, while Qashqa'i men,<br />

who also clearly and unambiguously identify themselves as Muslims, tend to be<br />

skeptical concerning the Islam they see practiced in bazaar economics and (after<br />

1978) state politics and associate themselves with more specifically tribal customs<br />

and codes of ethics.<br />

The revolution against the rule of the Shah in 1978-1979 and the ensuing<br />

establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979 brought about many political,<br />

economic and social changes for the Qashqa'i. Qashqa'i tribespeople<br />

quickly rearmed and seized control of former pastoral and agricultural land.<br />

Nontribal encroachers were forced to leave. Prices of pastoral products tripled,<br />

interest taking (a practice that had been a major cause of poverty in the past)<br />

was forbidden and debts were reduced to the actual value of the goods or money<br />

borrowed; many Qashqa'i did very well economically after the revolution and<br />

found pastoralism to be more profitable than many of the livelihoods adopted in<br />

the 1960s and 1970s.<br />

Attitudes of the Qashqa'i concerning Islam changed after the forced imposition<br />

of theocratic rule in Iran. Before 1979 they had been critical of what they regarded<br />

as the irreligious behavior of the moneylender-merchant hajjis, on whom they<br />

had been economically dependent, and offered this behavior as evidence that<br />

daily prayer and fasting had little to do with being a good Muslim. After 1979<br />

they were suspicious of the ruling clergy's political repressions, which were said<br />

to be justified by religious doctrine. Persecutions against Iran's national minorities,<br />

with whom many Qashqa'i identified and sympathized, were viewed with<br />

alarm. Qashqa'i women who went to town not properly dressed were harassed,<br />

and coeducational classes at the tribal schools in Shiraz were forbidden. Also<br />

forbidden by the new Islamic regime were the music and dancing performed at<br />

Qashqa'i weddings.<br />

But it was in the area of Qashqa'i politics that the Islamic Republic had the<br />

most impact. With the revolution of 1978-1979, Qashqa'i leaders who had been<br />

exiled and deposed by the Shah returned to tribal territory and attempted to<br />

resume leadership of the Qashqa'i population. This was a difficult task given<br />

their many years of absence and the socioeconomically diversified and geographically<br />

dispersed population.<br />

During the uneasy first year of the Islamic Republic, Revolutionary Guards<br />

were sent out to enforce state rule among Iran's national minorities. They interfered<br />

little in Qashqa'i activities. That the Qashqa'i were Shia and not Sunni,<br />

as were the Kurds, Turkmen and Baluch, was one reason. Ayatollah Khomeini<br />

attributed peaceful conditions in Fars Province to the presence of the Qashqa'i<br />

khans who had returned from exile. However, in 1980 relationships turned hostile<br />

when conservative clerics denied Khosrow Khan Qashqa'i, a popular Qashqa'i<br />

leader, his seat in the newly elected parliament. When he was arrested and<br />

imprisoned, military confrontations between the Revolutionary Guards and<br />

Qashqa'i forces broke out in southern Iran. Paramount Qashqa'i leaders and

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