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PUNJABIS 619<br />

village may be dominated by a single zamindar biraderi or, more often, will<br />

include segments of several zamindar biraderis, of different qaumslzats, contending<br />

for political and economic hegemony over the local population of kammis,<br />

sharecroppers and tenants. Individual zamindars and kammis solidify their<br />

relationships by entering into long-term contracts for the performance of work—<br />

such as harvesting, sweeping, clothes washing or smithery—in exchange for<br />

fixed quantities of grain and other subsistence commodities.<br />

The pivot of social life for Punjabis, rich and poor, is the household (ghar),<br />

conceived as the group which contributes to and eats from a single hearth (chula).<br />

The household encompasses the personal bonds of marriage and parentage and<br />

provides the framework of care, support and instruction through which an individual<br />

is morally and legally incorporated in the society at large. The household<br />

also serves as the basis for economic organization. Not only are daily activities<br />

organized in terms of it, but so are the principal forms of private wealth and<br />

productive assets, including labor. Members of a household must pool their<br />

earnings and engage in joint decision making regarding savings, investment and<br />

major transactions. The schooling and supervision of children, attending the aged<br />

or sick and holding life-cycle rites are tasks coped with similarly. Residential<br />

separation does not necessarily preclude these practices. Some of the largest,<br />

most extensive business empires in the country are managed in this way—<br />

essentially as household enterprises—as are most of the independently held<br />

farms, shops and trades.<br />

Families form and develop within the fold of the patriarchally or fraternally<br />

governed ghar. While a man's daughters are destined to be given away in<br />

marriage by the time they are 15 or so, his sons remain a part of his ghar<br />

throughout his active lifetime, even after having children of their own. Upon<br />

his death partition of property does not occur right away; instead his sons continue<br />

their association for some time afterwards, often for many years. In such cases<br />

the elder brother assumes the role of household head, and typically his wife<br />

takes charge as the senior woman of the establishment. However, stress and<br />

strains between brothers' competing family interests eventually lead to separation<br />

and the beginning of new ghars. Ideals of household unity are then upheld anew.<br />

Thus, Punjabi households may grow exceedingly large and complex before<br />

splitting into smaller, nuclear family-based units.<br />

Differences in male and female rights of inheritance underly the structure and<br />

continuity of the Punjabi household. All substantial property, such as land,<br />

houses, livestock and businesses, passes in the patriline and is divided equally<br />

among a man's sons after he dies, or retires, and his sons partition their joint<br />

ghar. Daughters and sisters receive their share of the estate at the time of their<br />

wedding in the form of dowries consisting of jewelry, clothing, domestic equipment<br />

and the like. Only some of the Punjabi elite conform to the Shariah in<br />

allowing daughters to inherit substantial productive assets.<br />

The preservation and enhancement of familial izzat (honor) are prime concerns<br />

in Punjabi society. Izzat is preserved by offering generous hospitality to guests,

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