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846 VAI<br />

activities. Chattel slaves as well as their children remain socially distinct from<br />

all others in the society, engaging in only the most menial tasks. They are not<br />

permitted to participate in any political activity. At certain points in Vai history,<br />

this prohibition has led to slave revolts.<br />

The Vai economy depends on a combination of swidden agriculture, with<br />

particular emphasis on rice as the staple food, and trade as middlemen between<br />

the peoples of the interior and ships stopping along the Vai coast. With these<br />

two activities, it has been possible for the Vai to overcome the usual limitations<br />

of tropical forest environment. Most forest-dwelling swidden agriculturalists have<br />

been unable to sustain any great social stratification, but for the Vai it has been<br />

possible because of their access to the additional economic base of trade. Thus,<br />

an artisan class has developed. (In about 1830 an indigenous Vai script was<br />

invented which permitted the Vai to establish a tradition of literacy. As a consequence,<br />

Vai scholars left manuscripts detailing Vai life and history.)<br />

Vai religious activities at the early period of their arrival on the coast encompassed<br />

an omnipotent but somewhat distant supreme being, Kongba. The more<br />

immediate needs of individuals were supposedly met by a variety of spirits who<br />

populated the forests and waters. Ancestors, the "living dead," maintained the<br />

most significant place in Vai belief. Old people were venerated, and that veneration<br />

continued after death. As parents, the elders-ancestors oversaw and guided<br />

the lives of their children, and the strongest manifestation of the ancestors'<br />

concern and control was through the men' society, the Poro. It was within this<br />

secret society that the ultimate sanction of death, as determined by the will of<br />

the ancestors through high-ranking Poro members, was meted out.<br />

Beginning in the middle to late eighteenth century, Islamic influences began<br />

to reach the Vai area. The first contacts seem to have been as a direct result of<br />

ongoing trade and cultural contacts between the savanna Mandinka and the coastal<br />

Vai. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Vai, particularly in the northern<br />

areas, were also coming into contact with Muslim Fulani traders from the Futa<br />

Jallon (see Fulani).<br />

Initially, Islam made little impact upon the Vai. Individual political leaders<br />

who had consolidated several clans into an unstable confederation might turn to<br />

a Muslim divine to sanctify and therefore help sustain their positions. These<br />

divines were recognized as powerful, but the precepts of Islam held little interest<br />

for Vai people in general.<br />

Beginning in the twentieth century, the central governments of Sierra Leone<br />

and Liberia extended increasing political control over the Vai. Political units<br />

were stabilized and select individuals and their lineages were designated as the<br />

legitimate rulers. Authority to mete out penalties, particularly the death penalty,<br />

which had resided with the Poro elders, was taken over by the central governments.<br />

Finally, in 1928 in Sierra Leone and 1930 in Liberia, the various forms<br />

of internal servitude were abolished. Vai society, resilient through former periods<br />

of changing circumstances, for the first time was shaken to its core. The legitimacy<br />

of the ancestors' power was undermined. As a consequence, mass con-

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