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614 POMAKS<br />

Yoruk (see Yoruk). There are also many Turkish place names and Turkish<br />

personal and family names, although they have been Slavicized.<br />

Pomak culture is a combination of pre-Christian, Christian and Muslim elements.<br />

The Pomak ritual calendar, like the Christian, is based on an agricultural<br />

cycle and includes magical and propitiatory acts to ensure a good harvest, good<br />

health and fertility for men and animals. Pomaks, especially women, have continued<br />

to enact Christian and pre-Christian rites such as keeping holy water and<br />

crosses, venerating Christian shrines and priests and making offerings to saints<br />

and pagan deities. Pomaks share with Bulgarian Christians many institutions<br />

such as Active kinship (god-parenthood) and such customs as exchange of red<br />

eggs on Easter, the tapping of cornel branches on New Year's Day, the divining<br />

of young girls' fortunes on St. John's Day and the decoration of the house on<br />

St. George's Day. Shepherding rituals are noticeably absent since the Pomaks<br />

are not commonly shepherds. Pomak life-cycle celebrations, such as weddings,<br />

conform to Christian practice with the addition of such "Muslim" elements as<br />

the dyeing of the bride's hair and hands with henna. Their lack of familiarity<br />

with official Islam, caused by their mountain isolation, has made the Pomaks<br />

better preservers of the folkways of the area than the Christians.<br />

The Pomaks practice many traditions of Islam. They do not eat pork or drink<br />

alcoholic beverages; they celebrate the circumcisions of young boys (sunet). Men<br />

and women are segregated in public while men congregate in village coffeehouses,<br />

women visit and pray at home and remain secluded from the public.<br />

Other Muslim customs observed in the past are no longer practiced today. Until<br />

recently Pomaks observed the Ramadan fast and the two major feast days, Id al<br />

Fitr and Id al Adha ("Maluk" and "Golem Bajram," respectively). In areas<br />

where there was little contact with Christians, Pomak women wore veils (jashmak)<br />

in public and wore a black outer coat (feredzhe). Everywhere, women<br />

could be distinguished immediately as Christian or Muslim by their costume.<br />

Today traditional dress is only seen in the more isolated villages.<br />

Polygyny, now forbidden by law, was always rare among the Pomaks. Marriage<br />

was (and continues to be) endogamous and arranged by the parents of the<br />

couple. The bride does not participate in the dancing and merrymaking, but<br />

remains indoors on display for the guests to admire. She may be quite young,<br />

in her mid-teens, with the groom only slightly older. She is expected to prepare<br />

an extensive dowry of handmade items for her new home, including carpets,<br />

blankets, clothing and gifts for wedding guests. Virtually all Pomak women<br />

weave, and some of the finest Rhodope weavers are Pomaks.<br />

Pomak society is patrilineal and patrilocal, based on the extended family<br />

(zadruga), which shares resources and money and divides agricultural, herding<br />

and household work among members by sex and age. Indoor and outdoor communal<br />

work parties are regularly called to aid villagers with handiwork such as<br />

spinning and tobacco stringing and with construction projects. Men and women<br />

usually work separately, but socializing and courting do occur.<br />

Many changes have come into Pomak life in the twentieth century. With the

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