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714 soso<br />

carries a sense of belonging by people who carry the same clan name and have<br />

a vague idea of descent from a common ancestor.<br />

Within the bankhri (or bonsoe, as understood by the Soso of Guinea), there<br />

is the khabile, relatives on both their maternal and paternal sides. Members of<br />

the khabile do not necessarily live together in the same locality but regard<br />

themselves as blood relations. The smallest and most important unit is the dembaya<br />

or bankhide. This group consists of the immediate household—a man, his<br />

wife or wives and children and those living in the household as his dependents,<br />

which might include servants or brother's children living with him. It is even<br />

claimed that a man's son may still be part of his dembaya even if that son has<br />

a different compound not contiguous to his father's. It is the dembaya which<br />

breaks up at the death of its head to create several dembaya headed by his sons.<br />

A group of dembaya may inhabit a compound (fohke), especially those connected<br />

by marriage or blood. This is often through the father line, and the fohke is then<br />

identified with the suffix ya added to the clan name of the inhabitants, as in<br />

Banguraya, Sesay-ya.<br />

Soso parentage, inheritance and succession are traced through one's father.<br />

Soso society is generally polygynous, and as Muslims they are enjoined to marry<br />

no more than four wives; but marriage to more than four is not particularly<br />

frowned upon. A child refers to its biological mother with the term nga and uses<br />

the same appellation for the other wives of its father, but not with reference to<br />

its mother's sisters. At the same time it calls its father n'baba, the same way it<br />

addresses its father's brothers, but never its mother's brothers.<br />

When a child is born, a brief ceremony called bara akona borun ("he has<br />

been made to eat") is performed in which a member of the paternal family,<br />

male or female, chews kola nuts and spits it into a cup and this is fed to the<br />

newborn before it receives its mother's milk. This is supposed to introduce the<br />

child to this world and to the habit of eating. The same person who chews the<br />

kola nut also speaks to the child, advising it to be obedient to God and his elders.<br />

At the naming ceremony eight days later, an imam recites passages from the<br />

Quran and the father's sister's children, called gine di, distribute ricebread and<br />

kola nuts to the visitors. Eldest sons usually carry the name sare, while the term<br />

sire is attached to the eldest daughters. This nomenclature is important since<br />

rank order dictates the way one relates to older or younger people. To distinguish<br />

between children in a dembaya who sometimes have the same name, the Soso<br />

always add the mother's name to precede that given the child. Thus two mothers,<br />

Hawa and Atta, having children each called Lamina, would distinguish such<br />

children as Hawa Lamina and Atta Lamina.<br />

Marriage above all is an affair between families, with the partners-to-be playing<br />

little or no part. Marriage is allowed, even encouraged, between a boy and his<br />

mother's family. Thus a boy may marry his maternal cousin. The Soso claim<br />

that this helps to cement family ties. A girl's hand can be promised in marriage<br />

even before her birth or before she reaches the age of puberty. The prospective<br />

husband's family must then look after the girl until she reaches puberty. The

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