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From Responsibility to Response: Assessing National - Brookings

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CHAPTER 1 <strong>Assessing</strong> <strong>National</strong> Approaches <strong>to</strong> Internal Displacement: Findings from 15 Countries<br />

of Hajjah, Al-Jawf, Amran and Sa’ada, disrupting the<br />

delivery of humanitarian assistance <strong>to</strong> IDPs and other<br />

conflict-affected populations. 37<br />

Conclusion<br />

All of the countries surveyed for this study have engaged<br />

with international organizations and ac<strong>to</strong>rs. Almost all<br />

have invited the RSG on IDPs <strong>to</strong> visit and have welcomed<br />

advice and technical expertise in dealing with complex<br />

displacement situations. All have accepted the offers of<br />

international humanitarian organizations <strong>to</strong> provide<br />

assistance or support <strong>to</strong> IDPs within their terri<strong>to</strong>ry (or<br />

in the case of Turkey, development ac<strong>to</strong>rs). Some have<br />

worked with peacekeeping missions <strong>to</strong> enhance protection<br />

of civilians. To varying degrees, governments have<br />

facilitated access by international ac<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>to</strong> affected<br />

communities. However, restrictions on access <strong>to</strong> IDPs<br />

remain a serious challenge. In some cases, it is outright<br />

denial of access, whether <strong>to</strong> IDPs in general (for example,<br />

as in Turkey for many years) or <strong>to</strong> certain groups<br />

37 OCHA, Yemen: Northern Governorates (Hajjah, Al-<br />

Jawf, Amran and Sa’ada): Humanitarian Access Report,<br />

Cumulative January and February 2011 (http://reliefweb.<br />

int).<br />

174<br />

of IDPs (for example, in Myanmar, engagement with<br />

the international community is extremely limited, if not<br />

nonexistent, with respect <strong>to</strong> conflict-induced IDPs, but<br />

some cooperation has occurred with respect <strong>to</strong> those<br />

displaced by disasters). In other cases, permission is<br />

formally granted but denied in practice— for instance,<br />

through bureaucratic delays and restrictions in terms<br />

of travel documents. Often there also are political obstacles,<br />

namely that the government does not have effective<br />

control over certain parts of its terri<strong>to</strong>ry. Even<br />

then, however, a government should be expected <strong>to</strong><br />

allow international humanitarian access <strong>to</strong> those areas,<br />

as Georgia and, at times, Sri Lanka has done. In such<br />

cases, access also depends on the attitude of the nonstate<br />

authorities that do control the areas, which also<br />

have responsibilities under international humanitarian<br />

law, as stated in Guiding Principle 25, <strong>to</strong> allow safe and<br />

unimpeded international humanitarian access <strong>to</strong> IDPs.<br />

And yet, access is a practical requirement <strong>to</strong> do much<br />

of what is required <strong>to</strong> assist, protect and secure solutions<br />

for IDPs. Therefore, in cases in which government<br />

capacity or will is inadequate <strong>to</strong> mount an effective response<br />

<strong>to</strong> internal displacement—which include many<br />

if not most cases—the importance of the benchmark<br />

regarding cooperation with international humanitarian<br />

organizations cannot be overstated.

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