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The Babylonian World - Historia Antigua

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— <strong>The</strong> <strong>Babylonian</strong> economy in the first millennium BC —<br />

already existed in the Chaldean period, but they are most amply attested in the fifth<br />

century thanks to a group of texts, the so-called Murashû archive, named after a<br />

family-based firm of entrepreneurs that operated in the rural hinterland of Nippur.<br />

At least in part such estates seem to have been situated on previously temple-owned<br />

lands. In general, sixth-century texts suggest that the royal administration requisitioned<br />

surplus temple land for its own purposes.<br />

<strong>The</strong> archives of propertied city dwellers contain ample information on private<br />

ownership of agricultural land; fields and gardens in private hands could be bought<br />

and sold freely. In the sixth century, one frequently hears of land that had come into<br />

the hands of upper-class families as a result of land allotment schemes sponsored by<br />

king, temple, or city authorities. In the seventh or early sixth centuries it had been<br />

acquired in the context of the reclamation of land that had fallen into disuse in the<br />

previous period of economic decline and political unrest. 6 At least some city-based<br />

families were also part of the land-for-service system by virtue of holding titles to<br />

estates encumbered with service and tax obligations of different kinds.<br />

Well-to-do families would normally own date groves of not much over a hectare<br />

of surface area, mostly within easy reach from the city, if not actually within the<br />

walls. Such family gardens and, particularly in the south, fields were prized assets<br />

and normally only alienated in cases of distress, since they formed the background<br />

of the subsistence strategy of their owners (even though these might pursue many<br />

different kinds of activities in the city) (see Wunsch in this volume). Gardens were<br />

most often rented out to free tenants, less frequently they were entrusted to family<br />

slaves or managed (and worked) directly by the proprietors.<br />

Private involvement in agriculture beyond the rentier kind of property management<br />

described above is likewise attested; agricultural contracting, leasing and subleasing,<br />

occurred not just in the institutional sphere. Some city-based entrepreneurs specialised<br />

in managing estates in private as well as institutional hands or invested much money<br />

in the purchase (and amelioration) of land on a large scale. Such activities always<br />

went hand in hand with other business, such as trade in primary and processed<br />

agricultural products.<br />

An important part of the population which left next to no traces in the written<br />

documentation were subsistence-farming villagers. Small rural settlements are normally<br />

not excavated, and textual information is usually restricted to villages which included<br />

temple estates or holdings of (rich) urbanites. 7 If these connections to the cities (and<br />

the city archives) are lacking, villages appear in the texts only in exceptional cases,<br />

for instance as places of origin of workers hiring themselves out to temples for canal<br />

or building work. 8 Nevertheless, the independent village has to be considered an<br />

important constituent part of the <strong>Babylonian</strong> agricultural landscape (see Richardson<br />

in this volume).<br />

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY<br />

<strong>The</strong> necessary complement to agriculture in Babylonia, sheep breeding, is amply<br />

attested in first-millennium sources of institutional origin. 9 <strong>The</strong> temples’ large flocks<br />

were often entrusted to so-called herdsmen on a contractual basis. <strong>The</strong>se men, who<br />

have to be considered entrepreneurs, were required to deliver a certain number of<br />

animals and a certain amount of wool at the time of the shearing. 10 <strong>The</strong>se amounts<br />

227

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