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The Babylonian World - Historia Antigua

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— Power, economy and social organisation in Babylonia —<br />

instead, almost exclusively, on the metaphor of the shepherd and the builder. <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>Babylonian</strong>s, too, in sharp contrast to the Akkadian and, later, the Assyrian kings,<br />

did not consider either military achievements or inheritable kingship as the dominant<br />

source of legitimisation. At least on ideological grounds, the most important concerns<br />

of the <strong>Babylonian</strong> government were peaceful deeds and the maintenance of social<br />

equilibrium.<br />

CONSCRIPTED LABOUR AND MILITARY<br />

PERSONNEL – THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM<br />

Any government needs a solid economic basis, and welfare can only be upheld by a<br />

controlled equilibrium between the different sectors of society. In Babylonia, as<br />

compared to the Akkadian or the Assyrian kingdoms, conquest and booty played a<br />

minor role. Only in the Late <strong>Babylonian</strong> period did this situation change when the<br />

<strong>Babylonian</strong> empire followed the model of the Assyrian expansion. By this time,<br />

Babylonia had adjusted its political doctrine to those of other competing powers. At<br />

that time colonies, booty and the resulting influx of wealth became central for its<br />

economic performance. <strong>The</strong> militia, however, played an important role during all of<br />

Mesopotamian history. Originally, their duties were manifold: in times of conflict<br />

they had to fight against the enemy, in periods of peace they were used in various<br />

public activities – such as building canals, temples or palaces. Military personnel<br />

devoted almost exclusively to warfare – what we might term a ‘standing army’ – was<br />

probably a relatively new achievement. Conscripted labour of the younger male<br />

population was likely to have existed early in Mesopotamian history, and we might<br />

assume that this was linked to the formation of complex and hierarchic societies.<br />

This sort of compulsory labour cannot have been popular. Already in late Early<br />

Dynastic times, in the mid-third millennium, king Enmetena from the state of Lagash<br />

stated that he had sent home the ‘children’ of those cities he had drafted for the<br />

building of a temple in the city of Badtibira. Such freeing of drafted personnel was<br />

later incorporated in most of ancient Mesopotamian ‘laws’, from Iri-KA-gina (also<br />

read Uru-inimgina) down to Hammurabi of Babylon. In fact, it was soon understood<br />

as a measurement to establish or to uphold the social equilibrium. This was generally<br />

supplemented by provision for the weak and the poor.<br />

THE EMERGENCE OF BABYLONIAN SOCIETY<br />

We have already alluded to the fact that the written documentation – on which<br />

modern historiography primarily depends – comes from a limited segment and is<br />

therefore biased. More mundane matters are generally neglected which hampers our<br />

understanding of the administrative records. <strong>The</strong>re is ample evidence that, during<br />

all periods of Mesopotamian history, two larger groups of population inhabited the<br />

area. One was permanently settled in cities and towns, another was formed by seminomadic<br />

people in the hinterlands, among the Akkadian, Hanaean and Amorite tribes,<br />

as well as non-Semitic people (Stol 2004: 645–650). <strong>The</strong>y arrived first in western<br />

and northern parts of Mesopotamia but after the end of the Third Dynasty of Ur,<br />

Elamite intruders from the east also played a major role in Mesopotamian politics.<br />

Though it is difficult to evaluate their impact, society clearly changed due to the<br />

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