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The Babylonian World - Historia Antigua

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— Inanna and Ishtar in the <strong>Babylonian</strong> world —<br />

and she causes disease. On the 28th, the day of the byre, you dedicate to Ishtar<br />

a vulva of lapis lazuli with a little gold star. You pronounce the name of the sick<br />

person.<br />

(Farber 1977: 140–141 AII a 3–10)<br />

Among the incantations to be recited are those addressed to Ishtar to plead on<br />

behalf of the sufferer to Dumuzi, and among the rituals to be performed is the<br />

symbolic offering of a stylised vulva, which illustrates the connection between sexuality<br />

and Ishtar, and a star which highlights the astral aspect of Ishtar.<br />

THE GODDESS<br />

We have traced the development of the conception of Sumerian Inanna and her<br />

Akkadian counterpart Ishtar from their first appearance in the cuneiform records and<br />

have examined the diverse elements of the personality of the goddess. We have seen<br />

that her most archaic and basic aspect of astral dimorphism is the source of the ambiguities<br />

and contradictions in her character including her apparent androgyny. In like<br />

manner, she held dominion over all polarity of behaviours from capricious to caring,<br />

and represented both order and disorder, structure and antistructure. Her bi-polarity<br />

was founded on a natural phenomenon: the planet Venus appears twice in its course,<br />

once in the east, once in the west, as morning and as evening star. Her very mutability<br />

may have intrigued the ancient Mesopotamians and led to the conception of<br />

Inanna/Ishtar as the one and only divine entity able to embody such opposing aspects.<br />

NOTES<br />

1 <strong>The</strong> etymology of both Inanna’s and Ishtar’s names is uncertain. <strong>The</strong> name Inanna was explained<br />

by ancient as well as modern scholars as deriving from nin-an-na ‘lady of Heaven’ [(n)in ‘lady’<br />

+ an ‘heaven’ + a(k) genitive] (Hallo 1995:768) while Ishtar (originally ‘Ashtar, a form with<br />

no gender marking) has been derived from the root ’t.r, ‘to be rich’ (Krebernik 1983: 31, no.<br />

805). Note the litany of her names in the Ishtar (Queen of Nippur) hymn beginning with<br />

Ninanna ‘Queen of Heaven’ (Lambert 1982: 198f., iii 52ff. and see comment to line 211). For<br />

a discussion on the original form of her name in Sumerian as Innin, see Beaulieu 2003: 116,<br />

122f. Note, however, the suggestion by Selz (2000: 29, 33f.), basing himself on the third<br />

millennium material that In(n)in(a) is of Semitic origin, most probably a deity of war.<br />

2 For this and other Sumerian litarary compositions, see Black, J. A., Cunningham, G., Ebeling,<br />

J., Flückiger-Hawker, E., Robson, E., Taylor, J. and Zólyomi, G. <strong>The</strong> Electronic Text Corpus of<br />

Sumerian Literature (http:/etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk, Oxford 1998–2006 (abbreviated ETCSL).<br />

3 Even in her male role, she never becomes fully male, but seems to be a female with male<br />

gender characteristics. For a possible visual image of a bearded Inanna/Ishtar in the third<br />

millennium and the written descriptions of a bearded Ishtar in first millennium astrological<br />

sources, see Reiner 1995: 5, fig. 2 and 6 with notes 14–16. See further Beaulieu 2003: 136f.<br />

and note his references to possible two-faced male-female images.<br />

4 It should be also noted that the mountains at the end of the earth and the netherworld were<br />

a continuum in Mesopotamian thought. <strong>The</strong> realms of the dead were probably at the foothills<br />

of the mountain lands rather than under the ground.<br />

5 Verb e 11 describes vertical movement.<br />

6 Another conundrum comes from the cuneiform writing system. <strong>The</strong> fact is that the names of<br />

the Akkadian goddess, Ashtar, is written syllabically consistently asˇ-dar in personal names and<br />

just as consistently as a logogram INANNA in all other contexts. Only from the second<br />

345

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