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The Babylonian World - Historia Antigua

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— <strong>The</strong> world of <strong>Babylonian</strong> countrysides —<br />

22 Of twenty-six middle <strong>Babylonian</strong> villages identified as occupied for a single-period only within<br />

the timespan of 4000–2350 BC, twenty-three were identified within these three centuries<br />

(i.e., 3100–2800 BC), Adams 1981. In the fourth and third millennia, single-period occupancy<br />

was uncommon and longevity the rule, when compared to the post-Ur III period.<br />

23 A similar pattern can be evinced in the southern survey data (Adams 1981: 9 of 19 Kassite<br />

villages (47.3 percent) were new in that period, but 10 of 19 OB villages (52.6 percent)<br />

survived into that time as well; 9 of 10 MB villages (90 percent) had prior Kassite occupation,<br />

but only 1 of 19 OB sites (5.3 percent) survived through all three periods.<br />

24 <strong>The</strong>re was also a major increase in villages between 2.1 and 4.0 ha. in the Ur III-OB periods.<br />

25 Adams 1981, Table 15.<br />

26 Adams and Nissen 1972, Fig. 11: Ring-shape: site 156 (Ur III/Larsa); radiant canals: site<br />

403 (Kassite); enclosing walls: 336, possibly 385, and Ur-Eridu site 72; large institutional<br />

buildings: 336, 443; Ur-Eridu site 166; fortresses: 11, 1075, and possibly 1230, 1341, and<br />

1503. While these forms are not in and of themselves so noteworthy, that they are attested<br />

at even the smallest sites is of interest here. Stone 2005, p. 153 also points out that sites<br />

below 2 ha. such as Tell Harmal had economic and cultural features that were distinctly<br />

urban.<br />

27 Though there are many examples of this type of settlement layout, a particularly interesting<br />

string of these is evident in the OB-Kassite levees at sites 1584, 1589, 1590, 1592, 1600,<br />

and 1601 (Adams 1981).<br />

28 Rather than secondary (what the Ammis.aduqa Edict calls s.ih ˘ h ˘ irtu, the “minor crop” beside<br />

cereal) crops.<br />

29 Adams 1981, sites with: brick-kiln slag: site 827; pottery-kilns: 175, 428, 443; maceheads:<br />

274, 680, 1312, 1432, 1448; copper: 247, 272, 274, 285, 314, 406, 573, 574, 940, 1432,<br />

1448; Ur-Eridu site 24.<br />

30 One might, via an “archaeology of knowledge,” add those communities which were tied<br />

together by administrative land grants and cadasters, i.e., ideated “communities of the tablet.”<br />

31 See especially C. Kramer in Schwartz and Falconer 1994, on variability of scale and specialization<br />

in otherwise “ideologically egalitarian rural settlements.”<br />

32 For a discussion of this urban bias, see Van De Mieroop 1997, esp. Ch. 3.<br />

33 Though Dumuzi himself is called in one version “brother of the countryside” by Inanna, sˇes<br />

úru bar.ra.<br />

34 Several proverbs suggest that the village was a dwelling-place of Inanna (Electronic Text<br />

Corpus of Sumerian Literature (hereafter, ETCSL: http://www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk), 6.1.21,<br />

6.2.3, 6.2.5).<br />

35 Vanstiphout 1997, Text I.181, ll. 135–7, pp. 578–81.<br />

36 Lambert 1960: 35, ll. 82–3.<br />

37 Foster 1993, “<strong>The</strong> Sacrificial Gazelle,” III.51d, cf. his comment vol. I, p. 30, and n. 79 below<br />

(re: RIME 41.4.6).<br />

38 E.g., the “<strong>Babylonian</strong> <strong>The</strong>odicy’s” aphoristic “You are as stable as the earth, but the plan of<br />

the gods is remote,” (Lambert 1960: 75 l. 58).<br />

39 Lambert 1960, l. 135f., and pp. 122–3, on the passage’s material common with Sˇ urpu.<br />

40 Examples of these are too dispersed and numerous to receive full treatment here, but can be<br />

found from the Early Dynastic period onwards. Rural temples and temple personnel are<br />

known as having been located at boundaries, fields, riverbanks, and even in open country;<br />

the importance of rural shrines in early state formation in ancient Greece has been argued<br />

by de Polignac 1995.<br />

41 dumu GN was, of course, a longstanding term for a citizen of an urban corporation, but the<br />

extensibility of the term to non-urbanites is doubtful (cf. below, re: mār mātim).<br />

42 This absent mentalité is also reflected in the slow development of cartography within the<br />

scribal curriculum. Geography was mostly documented in the textual list-form of cadasters<br />

and point-to-point itineraries; not until post-1500 BC are even a few regional maps attested<br />

(Röllig, Reallexikon der Assyriologie “Landkarten,” pp. 464–7).<br />

43 Wilcke 2003: 0.1.2, 2.0 (especially 2.1.1 and 2.1.3.2), 4.1; Westbrook, “Introduction: <strong>The</strong><br />

Character of Ancient Near Eastern Law,” pp. 1–90, esp. pp. 25–6 (the state was not an<br />

31

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