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The Babylonian World - Historia Antigua

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— P. S. Vermaak —<br />

Nippur (modern Nuffar – south-east of Babylon on the eastern branch of the<br />

Euphrates), with the temple of Enlil, had been an important religious centre since<br />

the third millennium BC. During the Old <strong>Babylonian</strong> period, it was also famous for<br />

its scholarly activities, a position it regained during the fourteenth and thirteenth<br />

centuries BC. Some 12,000 tablets have been found, mainly of an administrative<br />

nature, concerning the delivery and receipt of agricultural products such as grain,<br />

goats, sheep, hides and oil. Other texts from the Kassite period comprise of letters,<br />

legal texts and lexical lists. This large bulk of the cuneiform tablets gives the impression<br />

of Nippur as inter-regional centre serving a much larger community than its own<br />

hinterland. 19<br />

One remote site during the Kassite period is Tell Imlihiye, 20 close to the city of<br />

Mê-turran in the lowest part of the Hamrin Basin, produced some agricultural texts.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y are business documents dealing with lists of animals, wool and textiles, notes<br />

on the delivery of corn, loans of corn, a few payments, a purchase document and a<br />

letter (cf. Kessler 1982: 51–116 and 1985: 18–19).<br />

Evidence from Hana<br />

<strong>The</strong> format and pillow shape of Middle <strong>Babylonian</strong> cuneiform tablets with a legal<br />

content (real estate contracts) from the Hana kingdom discovered at Tell Ashara<br />

(Thureau-Dangin and Dorme 1924: 265–293) find some close parallels in the<br />

fourteenth-century examples from Emar and Ugarit (Podany 1991–1993: 57). This<br />

indicates that cuneiform tablets were subject to similar production and baking processes<br />

during this period. This could not be regarded as diffusion, but, rather, acculturation<br />

due to the dominance of the scribal processes by Kassite <strong>Babylonian</strong>s.<br />

Lapis lazuli21 Lapis lazuli had extraordinary value in Kassite Babylonia. This is shown in the<br />

documentary evidence (Röllig 1983: 488–489; 1991: 5–13) and the material remains,<br />

especially among prestige and votive objects. <strong>The</strong> stone had not been in such demand<br />

since the mid-third millennium (Moorey 1994: 90). Most of the ‘mountain lapis<br />

lazuli’ mentioned in the Amarna tablets was sent to Egypt or Mitanni from Mesopotamia<br />

(Knudzton 1915: 15: 13; 16: 11; 11r24–5; 19: 80–81; 21: 36; 22: i52; 25:<br />

i20–21; 25: ii27; 25: iii43). <strong>The</strong> Hittites also regarded Babylonia as an important<br />

trading centre for lapis lazuli (Oppenheim et al. 1970: 11). <strong>The</strong> precious stone did<br />

not originate from Mesopotamia, but from the mountains in Afghanistan. 22 <strong>The</strong><br />

extensive trade of lapis lazuli during the <strong>Babylonian</strong> Kassite period did not operate<br />

on a linear scale but, rather, via an unusual, more complex trading network through<br />

the <strong>Babylonian</strong> gateway system. 23<br />

<strong>The</strong> lapis lazuli cylinder seals from this Kassite period found in Greece (Porada<br />

1981: 1–70) could have most likely been transported through the Levant via the<br />

eastern Mediterranean ports which were active during that period, such as Ugarit<br />

and Byblos. In fact, the lapis lazuli trade in the Levantine region had already been<br />

active for several millennia, as can be noticed in the material remains at Ebla during<br />

the end of the third millennia BC where at least 13 kg of rough, uncut lapis lazuli<br />

were discovered (cf. Pinnock 1986: 221–228). 24<br />

520

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