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The North Atlantic Fisheries, 1100-1976 - University of Hull

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nineteenth century. 237 More importantly, from 1868, the government<br />

commenced publishing comprehensive annual data relating to the<br />

number, tonnage and class <strong>of</strong> fishing vessel registered at each UK port,<br />

adding details as to the means <strong>of</strong> propulsion, sail or steam, from 1888.<br />

Information relating to the quantities <strong>of</strong> fish transported by rail were<br />

published annually from 1878, while the type <strong>of</strong> fish taken, the grounds<br />

fished, and the value <strong>of</strong> the catch were all systematically recorded and<br />

added to the statistical data published by Parliament after 1902. Of<br />

course, the agencies responsible for the collection and presentation <strong>of</strong><br />

information have changed, but the quality and quantity <strong>of</strong> the data<br />

available for the fisheries has remained constant to the present day.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se statistical series, supported by a variety <strong>of</strong> more qualitative source<br />

materials, provide ample evidence for a thorough analysis <strong>of</strong> the<br />

development <strong>of</strong> the fishing industries <strong>of</strong> the British Isles since the early<br />

nineteenth century. 238<br />

As we have noted, the ceiling on demand for fish remained low in the<br />

early nineteenth century, but the railways, in providing a relatively fast<br />

and cheap means <strong>of</strong> conveyance, transformed the market for fish. Such<br />

change was gradual rather than revolutionary in tempo. Indeed, it was<br />

not until the early 1840s that the railways began to have a significant<br />

impact on the fish trade, and not until the late 1850s, almost three<br />

decades after the coming <strong>of</strong> the steam railway, that anything resembling<br />

a national mass market for fresh fish was truly evident. A number <strong>of</strong><br />

factors explain this pattern. Not least <strong>of</strong> these was the simple fact that the<br />

railway network itself was limited in scale until the mid 1840s. A second<br />

reason lay in the manner in which the railway network developed, its ad<br />

hoc, localised character obliging those concerned with long distance,<br />

through traffic to transfer periodically their goods from one carrier to<br />

another. Moreover, despite providing a novel means <strong>of</strong> transport, railway<br />

promoters were initially intent on cultivating existing trades rather than<br />

in creating new lines <strong>of</strong> business. Accordingly, few, if any, <strong>of</strong> the railway<br />

pioneers afforded the expansion <strong>of</strong> the fish trade any priority in their<br />

construction plans, while the fact that fresh fish, because <strong>of</strong> high road<br />

transport costs, had always been a luxury item continued to influence<br />

railway pricing policies into the 1840s. In essence, therefore, railway<br />

carriers merely adopted the rates <strong>of</strong> the road hauliers and fish remained<br />

237 <strong>North</strong>way, ‘Devon Fishing Industry’ (1994), 127.<br />

238 Rule, ‘British Fisherman’.<br />

134

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