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The North Atlantic Fisheries, 1100-1976 - University of Hull

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<strong>The</strong> first sign <strong>of</strong> a new Greenland policy came with a report from a joint<br />

Danish-Greenlandic committee in 1946. It recommended a net capital<br />

transfer as great as the whole annual budget up to then. <strong>The</strong><br />

recommendations were accepted by the authorities. Over a five year<br />

period eight million kroner was to be invested in building new industries,<br />

with a quarter going to the fisheries. On a yearly basis a two million<br />

kroner deficit in running costs was accepted, nearly half <strong>of</strong> it to bolster<br />

business, although virtually nothing was to go to the fisheries. This<br />

primary sector was supposed to carry its own costs. An internal report<br />

from the Greenland Administration revealed that during 1946-1948<br />

600,000 kroner were invested in fishing stations and about 2 million<br />

kroner in boats and engines for the Greenlanders. Investments outside<br />

the fisheries added up to 13.5 million kroner, half <strong>of</strong> which was directed<br />

to the development <strong>of</strong> weather forecast facilities. 173 <strong>The</strong> fish catches<br />

were steadily rising although not in proportion to investment. Cod<br />

catches rose in the period 1946-1954 from 15,000 to 19,000 tons. Still,<br />

the fishery held its overwhelming significance, accounting for 75% <strong>of</strong><br />

the value <strong>of</strong> total production in the early 1950s.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Great Leap Forward in 1950<br />

Economically, the decisive changes in policy from 1950, called ‘<strong>The</strong><br />

New Order’, saw a massive enlargement <strong>of</strong> investment and income<br />

transfer to Greenland. <strong>The</strong> trade monopoly introduced in 1721 and<br />

restricted access to Greenland were lifted, and Danish private enterprise<br />

was called upon to operate under state surveillance. <strong>The</strong> economic<br />

philosophy was to let the Danish society cover the investment and the<br />

overall public expense, while primary Greenlandic production, sealing<br />

and fishing, was supposed to be self-sustaining. In time they were<br />

expected to cover public expense as well. Danish private enterprise was<br />

expected to invest in modern fish processing and to tutor the<br />

Greenlanders in entrepreneurial techniques. Elsewhere, I have<br />

researched private Danish interests in Greenland and found it to be very<br />

modest, extending to only a handful <strong>of</strong> fishing cutters from Esbjerg. 174<br />

How they operated in Greenland is only described in memoirs. 175<br />

173 Oldendow, Knud, ‘Fremstilling af Arbejdet i Grønland, 28/6-1948’. To be found in<br />

the parliamentary archives, Greenland Committee, box 6, II folder 9.<br />

174 Axel Kjær Sørensen, 1984.<br />

175 Frede Sørensen, 1952; Claus Sørensen, 1979.<br />

95

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