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Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

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Germany 121<br />

framework, the history <strong>of</strong> the democratic system, the political culture underlying<br />

it, and the range <strong>of</strong> political matters that can be influenced in the<br />

short term, given the governing constellations and strategic abilities <strong>of</strong> the<br />

established parties, all restrict the scope for right-wing populism in Germany<br />

and thereby make life difficult for challengers. <strong>The</strong>se restrictions will be<br />

discussed below. As will why right-wing extremist and populist actors have<br />

also failed to grasp those opportunities that have been presented to them.<br />

<strong>The</strong> spotlight here falls on organizational problems and a lack <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essionalism<br />

within the new parties, in addition to the absence <strong>of</strong> charismatic leaders<br />

and, finally, the rivalry between them. I shall then try to gauge the<br />

extent to which the prospects for right-wing populism in Germany have<br />

been impaired by the emergence <strong>of</strong> a protest alternative on the Left, in the<br />

form <strong>of</strong> the PDS and <strong>The</strong> Left Party. It would have been equally consistent<br />

with the structure <strong>of</strong> the chapter to deal with this point previously, during<br />

the examination <strong>of</strong> the structural factors affecting the parties <strong>of</strong> the far<br />

Right. However, it owes its inclusion among the factors related to agency due<br />

to the fact that, in my view, the PDS and Left Party embody key populist<br />

attributes, some <strong>of</strong> which they share with the parties <strong>of</strong> the Right, and can<br />

therefore be analysed as populist players on the political stage.<br />

This mooted existence <strong>of</strong> a left-wing brand <strong>of</strong> populism raises the question<br />

<strong>of</strong> whether populism is a concept that can be clearly and fully defined<br />

and what value it possesses as a label for a newly emerged family <strong>of</strong> political<br />

parties in <strong>Western</strong> democracies. I examine these questions later, focusing<br />

attention on the alleged affinity <strong>of</strong> populism with the ideological Right.<br />

This analysis culminates in a working definition <strong>of</strong> the concept <strong>of</strong> populism,<br />

which makes an analytical distinction between three levels:<br />

(1) the social background from which populist parties emerge;<br />

(2) their ideological characteristics;<br />

(3) their organizational forms and the techniques deployed to appeal to<br />

voters.<br />

Right-wing populism as a party label<br />

Long established in academic discussion to denote a new breed <strong>of</strong> party and<br />

politician, the term ‘right-wing populism’ is now increasingly used by journalists<br />

and politicians too. <strong>The</strong>re are probably two main reasons for this:<br />

first, right-wing populism is the sort <strong>of</strong> term that is equally at home as an<br />

explanatory scientific formula and as a political battle cry; second, the term<br />

is remarkably non-committal. Although it is employed in a critical sense, it<br />

is not truly condemnatory or stigmatizing. Indeed, this may be the reason<br />

why the accusation <strong>of</strong> populism is so ubiquitous in public debate.<br />

<strong>The</strong> characteristics <strong>of</strong> populism as a political formula, however − namely<br />

its heavily value-laden nature and semantic imprecision − pose problems for

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