Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
178 <strong>Twenty</strong>-<strong>First</strong> <strong>Century</strong> <strong>Populism</strong><br />
ambivalence shown by the mainstream Right parties in France, through<br />
local agreements and cooperation with the FN, together with an appropriation<br />
<strong>of</strong> policy proposals and rhetoric style, contributed to the legitimization<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Front National. Various leading representatives <strong>of</strong> the mainstream<br />
Right tried to borrow from the FN’s policy proposals on immigration and<br />
law-and-order, as well as, occasionally, imitating the FN’s anti-immigration<br />
rhetoric. Immediately following the electoral breakthrough <strong>of</strong> the FN, in<br />
1983−1984, the established Right parties seem to have been taken by surprise,<br />
and they instinctively tried to win back voters by using similar antiimmigration<br />
frames to those <strong>of</strong> the Front National. In October 1984, for<br />
instance, Chirac remarked that ‘if there were fewer immigrants, there would<br />
be less unemployment, less tension in certain towns and lower social costs’,<br />
and in November <strong>of</strong> the same year, he linked France’s decreasing birthrate<br />
to the threat <strong>of</strong> large-scale immigration (Marcus, 1995: 136). Moreover, in<br />
1985, Charles Pasqua stated that immigrants were not in their own home<br />
and should behave accordingly (Marcus, 1995: 93). However, the strategy to<br />
win back voters by speaking the same language as the Front National seems<br />
to have failed. Indeed, if anything, these remarks served simply to legitimize<br />
the ideas and discourse <strong>of</strong> the FN.<br />
Discussion<br />
Before concluding this chapter it is worth briefly mentioning two important<br />
factors that have not yet been discussed: the electoral system and the mass<br />
media. Various scholars (Swank and Betz, 2003; Jackman and Volpert, 1996;<br />
Golder, 2003; Veugelers and Magnan, 2005) have argued that support for<br />
new radical right-wing populist parties tends to be higher in countries with<br />
proportional electoral systems (see also, however: Van der Brug et al., 2005;<br />
Carter, 2002). This contention seems to be contradicted by the French case<br />
where, normally, a majority voting system is used. That said, it should be<br />
noted that a proportional voting system was in force in Front National’s two<br />
break-through elections: the 1984 <strong>European</strong> Parliament election and the<br />
1986 legislative election. In the latter case, François Mitterrand introduced<br />
a proportional voting system in order to split the mainstream right. <strong>The</strong><br />
unintended consequence <strong>of</strong> this measure, however, was to enable the Front<br />
National to send 35 deputies to the National Assembly. As a result, the party<br />
succeeded in increasing its political visibility and legitimacy. By the time<br />
the majority voting system was reinstated, in the following election, the<br />
Front National was already well established enough to do well electorally,<br />
despite the fact that the voting system was now once again working to the<br />
party’s disadvantage.<br />
Researchers have also argued that the mass media plays a pivotal role in<br />
the emergence <strong>of</strong> new populist parties. As Ruud Koopmans (2004: 8) has<br />
contended, for instance, the ‘action <strong>of</strong> gatekeepers [within the mass media]