29.03.2013 Views

Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

178 <strong>Twenty</strong>-<strong>First</strong> <strong>Century</strong> <strong>Populism</strong><br />

ambivalence shown by the mainstream Right parties in France, through<br />

local agreements and cooperation with the FN, together with an appropriation<br />

<strong>of</strong> policy proposals and rhetoric style, contributed to the legitimization<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Front National. Various leading representatives <strong>of</strong> the mainstream<br />

Right tried to borrow from the FN’s policy proposals on immigration and<br />

law-and-order, as well as, occasionally, imitating the FN’s anti-immigration<br />

rhetoric. Immediately following the electoral breakthrough <strong>of</strong> the FN, in<br />

1983−1984, the established Right parties seem to have been taken by surprise,<br />

and they instinctively tried to win back voters by using similar antiimmigration<br />

frames to those <strong>of</strong> the Front National. In October 1984, for<br />

instance, Chirac remarked that ‘if there were fewer immigrants, there would<br />

be less unemployment, less tension in certain towns and lower social costs’,<br />

and in November <strong>of</strong> the same year, he linked France’s decreasing birthrate<br />

to the threat <strong>of</strong> large-scale immigration (Marcus, 1995: 136). Moreover, in<br />

1985, Charles Pasqua stated that immigrants were not in their own home<br />

and should behave accordingly (Marcus, 1995: 93). However, the strategy to<br />

win back voters by speaking the same language as the Front National seems<br />

to have failed. Indeed, if anything, these remarks served simply to legitimize<br />

the ideas and discourse <strong>of</strong> the FN.<br />

Discussion<br />

Before concluding this chapter it is worth briefly mentioning two important<br />

factors that have not yet been discussed: the electoral system and the mass<br />

media. Various scholars (Swank and Betz, 2003; Jackman and Volpert, 1996;<br />

Golder, 2003; Veugelers and Magnan, 2005) have argued that support for<br />

new radical right-wing populist parties tends to be higher in countries with<br />

proportional electoral systems (see also, however: Van der Brug et al., 2005;<br />

Carter, 2002). This contention seems to be contradicted by the French case<br />

where, normally, a majority voting system is used. That said, it should be<br />

noted that a proportional voting system was in force in Front National’s two<br />

break-through elections: the 1984 <strong>European</strong> Parliament election and the<br />

1986 legislative election. In the latter case, François Mitterrand introduced<br />

a proportional voting system in order to split the mainstream right. <strong>The</strong><br />

unintended consequence <strong>of</strong> this measure, however, was to enable the Front<br />

National to send 35 deputies to the National Assembly. As a result, the party<br />

succeeded in increasing its political visibility and legitimacy. By the time<br />

the majority voting system was reinstated, in the following election, the<br />

Front National was already well established enough to do well electorally,<br />

despite the fact that the voting system was now once again working to the<br />

party’s disadvantage.<br />

Researchers have also argued that the mass media plays a pivotal role in<br />

the emergence <strong>of</strong> new populist parties. As Ruud Koopmans (2004: 8) has<br />

contended, for instance, the ‘action <strong>of</strong> gatekeepers [within the mass media]

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!