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Populist agency in Ireland<br />

<strong>The</strong> Republic <strong>of</strong> Ireland 209<br />

<strong>The</strong> only historical case <strong>of</strong> a party in Ireland which comes close to matching<br />

the definition <strong>of</strong> ‘populist’ used by us in the introduction has been the relatively<br />

small Clann na Talmhan which reached a high <strong>of</strong> 11 per cent at the<br />

1943 general election and participated in the inter-party governments <strong>of</strong><br />

1948 and 1951, before eventually disappearing in the 1960s (Mair, 1987:<br />

24−26). Appealing to the small farming communities <strong>of</strong> the west and northwest<br />

which had become disillusioned with FF, the party’s programme was,<br />

according to Garvin (2005: 188), ‘anti-political and anti-urban, its leaders’<br />

speeches being peppered with condemnations <strong>of</strong> politicians, civil servants,<br />

Jews, Freemasons and “money-grabbers” ’. One <strong>of</strong> the reasons why Clann na<br />

Talmhan has remained an exception <strong>of</strong> course is the populism already in<br />

mainstream Irish political culture, as outlined earlier. <strong>The</strong> following section<br />

will therefore examine what populism there has been, and currently is, in<br />

Irish politics through a brief discussion <strong>of</strong> the politicians’ populism <strong>of</strong> FF<br />

and its leaders. For reasons <strong>of</strong> space, FG will not be examined, although<br />

there are many past and present examples <strong>of</strong> politicians’ populism amongst<br />

its leaders too.<br />

Politicians’ populism<br />

As discussed in the introductory chapter, one <strong>of</strong> the charges laid at the door<br />

<strong>of</strong> the term ‘populism’ is that it is <strong>of</strong>ten employed in vague and undefined<br />

ways. We can see this in the case <strong>of</strong> Ireland where FF is <strong>of</strong>ten referred to in<br />

passing as being ‘populist’ or having ‘populist’ characteristics, without any<br />

explanation <strong>of</strong> the term or why it is applicable. For example, Garvin (1974:<br />

307) refers to FF as a ‘nationalist-populist’ party, Gary Murphy (2003: 1)<br />

terms it ‘a classically populist party’, while Laver notes its ‘populist appeal’<br />

(Laver, 2005: 183). Irrespective <strong>of</strong> whether we agree with these descriptions,<br />

it is striking that, in all three cases, no attempt is made to qualify or expand<br />

on this use <strong>of</strong> ‘populist’. This is a pity as both Garvin and Laver touch on<br />

important questions by linking populism with FF’s nationalism and its<br />

appeal to the electorate. As discussed above and in the introduction, Irish<br />

political culture has always contained a strong dose <strong>of</strong> populism and ‘politician’s<br />

populism’ (Canovan, 1981: 12−13) has always been a feature <strong>of</strong> FF in<br />

particular. Thus, while FF does not fully match the definition <strong>of</strong> populism<br />

employed in the introduction to this book, its approach to politics does<br />

resonate with the characteristics <strong>of</strong> ‘politicians’ populism’.<br />

As many scholars have found (see Garvin, 1997), it is hard to locate FF<br />

within a comparative <strong>Western</strong> <strong>European</strong> party framework. Indeed, historically,<br />

in some ways it resembles more a party like the Partido Revolucionario<br />

Institucional (PRI) in Mexico which, Canovan (1981: 276) observes, ‘is an allembracing,<br />

non-ideological organization that integrates many different and<br />

potentially conflicting groups and sections <strong>of</strong> the people’. Like the PRI,

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