Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

Austria 83
the reconstituted Freedom Party under Strache returned to the successful formula
of radical identity-orientated populism and all-out opposition.
Conclusion
The proliferation of populist groups in Austria and the results of the 2006
general election suggest that a significant segment of the electorate remains
susceptible to this political agenda. In fact, by relying on strongly xenophobic
and anti-EU campaigns, the FPÖ and BZÖ together captured some 15 per
cent of the vote in 2006. Populism is thus not wedded to the ‘Haider phenomenon’,
as he has clearly been reduced to a regional political factor.
However, the increased competition for the same reservoir of voters makes
it seem unlikely that any single political figure will become as dominant as
Jörg Haider was at the zenith of his power. Moreover, it is evident that the
BZÖ faces an uphill struggle in that it shares the FPÖ’s programmatic positions,
but appears more compromising, whereas Strache’s hard-line opposition
is of far greater appeal to its target audience.
The strength of populist splinter parties continues to bedevil an Austrian
political system which is not accustomed to minority governments and
multiparty alliances. Yet, as the tortuous negotiations between the two
major parties showed, the return to a centrist Grand Coalition was not a
marriage of love. Only the prospect that new elections would strengthen
the smaller parties at the expense of the Social Democrats and the
Conservatives forced the two to the negotiating table. Moreover, Schüssel’s
hope of recreating a rightwing triple alliance of ÖVP-FPÖ-BZÖ was rejected
by Freedomite leader Strache. This proved doubly ironic, for it made the
return to a Grand Coalition inevitable, even though the Freedomites had
always lamented this option. Moreover, it confirmed that Strache had recognized
that opposition was politically a far more lucrative place for a populist
party to be in than a junior role in government.
Generally speaking, the increased competition during the period from
2000 to 2006 between a centre-right government and a centre-left opposition
narrowed the opportunities for populist actors. Nonetheless, issues of
identity and culture along with personal safety continue to fuel what Hans-
Georg Betz (1993) calls the ‘new politics of resentment’, providing Strache
and others with ample room for populist agitation. The tactician Schüssel
may have ‘defanged’ Haider at the price of pandering to far-right interests
on immigration and minority rights, but he clearly did not succeed in neutralizing
radical rightwing populism.
Note
1. Own interviews conducted in December 2004 and June 2005.