Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
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146 <strong>Twenty</strong>-<strong>First</strong> <strong>Century</strong> <strong>Populism</strong><br />
those whose roots lie in extra-parliamentary right-wing extremism. In such<br />
cases, the necessity <strong>of</strong> reducing electoral stigmatization by increasing legitimacy<br />
may be well worth the price that possibly has to be paid for shrinking<br />
niches on the political arena.<br />
Unlike many other <strong>Western</strong> <strong>European</strong> countries (not least Denmark), the<br />
mainstream parties in Sweden have effectively erected a cordon sanitaire<br />
against the Sweden Democrats, avoiding any kind <strong>of</strong> collaboration. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
have also tried explicitly to avoid appropriating the political programme <strong>of</strong><br />
this or any other anti-immigrant party.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ideology and rhetoric <strong>of</strong> the Sweden Democrats<br />
<strong>The</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> this chapter will discuss the ways in which the Sweden Democrats<br />
have tried to take advantage <strong>of</strong> mobilization opportunities.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sweden Democrats party was formed in 1988 as a direct successor to<br />
the Sweden Party, which in turn was the outcome <strong>of</strong> a merger in 1986<br />
between the Swedish Progress Party and the BBS (Keep Sweden Swedish)<br />
(Larsson and Ekman, 2001). <strong>The</strong> Sweden Democrats trace their roots back to<br />
Swedish Fascism, and there were, particularly at the end <strong>of</strong> the 1980s and for<br />
the first half <strong>of</strong> the 1990s, distinct overlaps between them and openly antidemocratic,<br />
Nazi and Fascist groupings (Larsson and Ekman, 2001). During<br />
the latter half <strong>of</strong> the 1990s, however, the party worked hard to erect a more<br />
respectable façade. A ban on uniforms was introduced in 1996 by new leader<br />
Mikael Jansson (who had previously been active in the Centre Party) and, in<br />
1999, the Sweden Democrats openly renounced Nazism. Furthermore, some<br />
<strong>of</strong> the more provocative paragraphs in the party manifesto were toned down<br />
or eventually deleted (in particular those dealing with capital punishment,<br />
and the banning <strong>of</strong> both abortion and non-<strong>European</strong> adoption). However,<br />
and notwithstanding the remarkable continuity in the party manifesto up<br />
to 2002, this s<strong>of</strong>ter pr<strong>of</strong>ile precipitated a split in the summer <strong>of</strong> 2001 when<br />
a disgruntled ‘traditionalist’ faction broke away to form the National<br />
Democrats.<br />
If we look at the Sweden Democrats’ manifesto and examine its political<br />
rhetoric, it is clear that the party has been increasingly influenced by the<br />
electoral successes <strong>of</strong> other <strong>European</strong> RRP parties. While the British National<br />
Front was one <strong>of</strong> its larger sources <strong>of</strong> inspiration during the latter half <strong>of</strong> the<br />
1980s, the French Front National made a pr<strong>of</strong>ound impression on the ideological<br />
and strategic direction taken by the Sweden Democrats during the<br />
1990s along with, to a lesser extent, the Austrian FPÖ, the Danish People’s<br />
Party, the German Die Republikaner and Italy’s Alleanza Nationale. Indeed,<br />
the leader <strong>of</strong> Die Republikaner, Franz Schönhuber, appeared as a guest speaker<br />
at a Sweden Democrats election meeting, and the French Front National<br />
made substantial contributions to the party’s 1998 election campaign fund.<br />
<strong>The</strong> party has also been explicit about its desire to work more closely with