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Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

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Britain 193<br />

Romanian Jewish refugee background, Howard focused strongly on the<br />

anti-immigration theme, placing this at the centre <strong>of</strong> his self-declared ‘Battle<br />

for Britain’ (ibid.). Once again, the Conservatives failed to move much<br />

beyond their core vote in 2005.<br />

Still on the margins – radical right populism<br />

Given the decline and splits in the NF, the BNP − formed by ex-NF members<br />

in 1982 − managed to establish itself as the dominant force on the British<br />

extreme Right by the mid-1990s. Although it initially adopted a traditional<br />

extreme Right approach, its leader since 1999, Nick Griffin, has sought to<br />

reposition the party, following the well-beaten path <strong>of</strong> radical right parties<br />

on the continent, by seeking to distance it from old style neo-fascism and by<br />

developing a more populist platform. Nevertheless, the BNP has stated that<br />

it does not regard non-white people as British, even if they have been born<br />

in the UK and are British citizens. A perhaps truer insight into Griffin’s strategy<br />

can be gleaned from the speech he gave to the American Friends <strong>of</strong> the<br />

BNP in April 2001 in which he explained: ‘so, what are we now doing with<br />

the British National Party? Well we tried to simplify its message in some<br />

ways and to make it a saleable message. So it’s not white supremacy or racial<br />

civil war or anything like that, which is what we know in fact is going on,<br />

and we’re not supremacists, we’re white survivalists’ (BBC Website).<br />

<strong>The</strong> BNP’s ethno-populism emerges clearly from an analysis <strong>of</strong> its recent<br />

election manifestos, 3 which illustrate its use <strong>of</strong> anti-Establishment populism<br />

(blaming the governing parties for allowing Britain to be over-run with<br />

immigrants) and ethno-pluralist frames which stress the need to maintain<br />

Britain as an ethnically homogeneous unit. Thus, its most recent general<br />

election manifesto presented immigration as a ‘crisis without parallel’ in<br />

which ‘Britain’s very existence’ was threatened’ (2005). Its attack on multiculturalism<br />

and the role <strong>of</strong> the political Establishment was reflected in the<br />

following excerpt:<br />

Abolishing multiculturalism, preserving Britain: <strong>The</strong> present regime is<br />

engaged in a pr<strong>of</strong>ound cultural war against the British people, motivated<br />

by the desire to create a new ethnic power base to replace the working<br />

class which they have abandoned in pursuit <strong>of</strong> their enthusiasm for globalisation,<br />

justified by a quasi-Marxist ideology <strong>of</strong> the equality <strong>of</strong> all<br />

cultures. (2005: 17)<br />

As Jens Rydgren has shown (2005) the growth <strong>of</strong> radical right populism in a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> countries can be partly explained by the agency role <strong>of</strong><br />

party leaders who have adopted the ethno-populist and anti-Establishment<br />

master-frames that have proved successful elsewhere, with the French Front<br />

National acting as a particular inspiration. Thus the radical Right populist

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