Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
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196 <strong>Twenty</strong>-<strong>First</strong> <strong>Century</strong> <strong>Populism</strong><br />
the evidence <strong>of</strong> the whistleblowers, has constantly sought to minimise<br />
the figures. Nor has it ever consulted the British people about the number<br />
<strong>of</strong> people from abroad that should be allowed to settle here. We have not<br />
been asked if we are prepared to have the nature <strong>of</strong> our neighbourhoods<br />
changed forever. We have not been asked if we are prepared to see our<br />
schools in some areas overwhelmed by those who cannot speak English.<br />
We were not asked if we were prepared to see our health and social services<br />
put under strain. As the polls show, people feel that they are losing<br />
their culture. (Kilroy-Silk, 2004)<br />
Similar themes were picked up by Kilroy’s new Veritas party. Indeed, the<br />
Veritas and UKIP election manifestos for the 2005 election were rather<br />
similar. However, neither did as well as hoped. Veritas won an average <strong>of</strong> just<br />
over 1.5 per cent in the 62 seats it fought, while Kilroy received only 5.8 per<br />
cent <strong>of</strong> the vote in his constituency. UKIP did slightly better, winning 2.3<br />
per cent nationally, and 2.8 per cent on average in the seats where it stood<br />
(Webb, 2005: 773−774). Although this was an improvement on the 2001<br />
result, it was seen as a disappointment given the expectations raised by the<br />
spectacular success <strong>of</strong> 2004. <strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> the splits created by Kilroy were a<br />
salutary reminder <strong>of</strong> what happens when new populist forces fail to unite<br />
behind one leader and the limitations to progress when the party (in the<br />
case <strong>of</strong> UKIP) does not possess an instantly recognizable and charismatic<br />
leader with considerable media skills (its existing leader Nigel Farage does<br />
not come across as a ‘man <strong>of</strong> the people’ and lacks a ‘common touch’).<br />
Of course, in the case <strong>of</strong> Britain, the electoral system used for general elections<br />
provides a particular obstacle that would have made life difficult for<br />
Kilroy and UKIP even if they stayed together. While future <strong>European</strong> elections<br />
may tell a different story, the future impact <strong>of</strong> UKIP on the British party<br />
system will nonetheless remain contained if limited to such elections.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Populists on the Right have exploited the ‘Britain in decline’ thesis, feeding<br />
on a perceived loss <strong>of</strong> national identity and self-esteem whilst also exploiting<br />
a feeling that the Labour party has deserted the white working class.<br />
Radical right populists draw strength from public concerns over the impact<br />
<strong>of</strong> EU membership on national sovereignty, and the impact <strong>of</strong> migration<br />
and multiculturalism on the ‘British way <strong>of</strong> life’. Although such issues have<br />
been exploited by populists throughout Europe, Britain’s imperial past and<br />
its history as a ‘great power’ allow national populists to present it as an<br />
‘exceptional case’. <strong>The</strong> British tradition <strong>of</strong> liberal global free trading does<br />
however mean that the Right has not followed the example <strong>of</strong> RRPs on the<br />
continent in proposing protectionist solutions.