Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
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Conclusion 219<br />
only thing that is said to ‘count’ (as the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> the Labour party in<br />
contemporary Britain shows) is resolving the practical, immediate and usually<br />
local problems <strong>of</strong> the ‘man in the street’ such as schools, jobs and crime.<br />
Politics is characterized, even by many politicians themselves, as something<br />
which most ordinary people naturally prefer to be involved in as little as<br />
possible. It is held that they have better things to do, such as attending to<br />
their personal and pr<strong>of</strong>essional lives, and that politics should facilitate them<br />
to do this with minimal interference.<br />
All the above is <strong>of</strong> course fuel to the fire for the populist. And, as the evidence<br />
in this volume clearly demonstrates, the twenty-first century provides<br />
ample and ever-increasing opportunities for populist actors in <strong>Western</strong><br />
Europe seeking to portray the homogeneous and virtuous people’s rights,<br />
values, prosperity, identity, voice and sovereignty as being under threat<br />
from a series <strong>of</strong> elites and dangerous ‘others’. National political elites can<br />
easily be depicted as having ‘sold the people out’ to an unelected (and<br />
uncontrollable) supranational oligarchy in Brussels and to the rapacious<br />
financial elites <strong>of</strong> multinational corporations. <strong>The</strong> same elites and immigrants<br />
can be blamed for the scaling down <strong>of</strong> the Welfare State, as a result <strong>of</strong><br />
which the people are now ‘less protected’ and the state and political parties<br />
can thus be accused <strong>of</strong> having ‘abandoned’ the people. Moreover, the community,<br />
the safe place where the people once lived in harmony, can be characterized<br />
as under attack from all sides – from above by the elites and from<br />
below by a series <strong>of</strong> ‘others’. Indeed, in this way, ‘the community’, like<br />
Taggart’s ‘heartland’, becomes, as Zygmunt Bauman (2001: 3) says, ‘another<br />
name for paradise lost’ − a place that we long to return to because ‘we miss<br />
security, a quality crucial to a happy life, but one which the world we inhabit<br />
is ever less able to <strong>of</strong>fer and ever more reluctant to promise’ (Bauman, 2001:<br />
145). Populists, by contrast, are not reluctant to promise. <strong>The</strong>y promise security.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y promise prosperity. <strong>The</strong>y promise identity. <strong>The</strong>y promise to return<br />
the sceptre <strong>of</strong> democracy to its rightful owner. <strong>The</strong>y promise to make the<br />
people, once more, masters in their own homes, in the widest sense <strong>of</strong> the<br />
term.<br />
<strong>Western</strong> Europe: a fertile terrain for populism<br />
We believe that the analyses <strong>of</strong>fered in this book point to the importance,<br />
in particular, <strong>of</strong> four structural factors in explaining the rise and<br />
success <strong>of</strong> populism: the features <strong>of</strong> specific party systems (and the<br />
detachment between voters and parties which has developed in contemporary<br />
<strong>Western</strong> Europe within such systems); the changing logic and<br />
work practices <strong>of</strong> <strong>Western</strong> media; the politicization <strong>of</strong> the socio-cultural<br />
dimension (especially immigration); and, finally, economic changes<br />
(especially due to globalization).