Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
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France 171<br />
Kitschelt, 1995: 103, 276), not least because <strong>of</strong> the increased salience <strong>of</strong> the<br />
immigration issue in several <strong>Western</strong> <strong>European</strong> countries (Solomos and<br />
Wrench, 1993: 4). For FN voters, immigration has always been first on their<br />
list when asked to explain their party choice and electoral studies regularly<br />
show that anti-immigrant attitudes are a key factor in predicting who will<br />
vote for the party (see e.g., Rydgren, 2003b; Mayer, 1999; 2002).<br />
<strong>The</strong> fact that immigration was politicized, which increased popular xenophobia<br />
to the point where it came out into the open, clearly created a favourable<br />
situation for RRP parties. Moreover, according to many surveys, a<br />
majority in most West <strong>European</strong> countries have held immigration-sceptic<br />
views since the early 1990s (Betz, 1994: 103; EUMC, 2001). In France, this<br />
situation was already apparent in 1985. In a survey, nearly 75 per cent agreed<br />
with the statement that ‘one does not feel secure in areas with many immigrants’,<br />
50 per cent agreed that ‘immigrants are an important cause <strong>of</strong> criminality<br />
in France’, and nearly 50 per cent agreed that ‘every time a foreigner<br />
takes a job in France, it is at a Frenchman’s expense’ (Ignazi, 1996: 70).<br />
Furthermore, in two polls taken by SOFRES in November 1984, 68 per cent<br />
wanted to stop further immigration, 25 per cent wanted immigrants to ‘go<br />
back where they came from’, and 66 per cent thought that there were ‘far<br />
too many North Africans in France’ (Bréchon and Mitra, 1992: 68). <strong>The</strong>se<br />
attitudes remained at roughly the same level throughout the 1980s and<br />
1990s (Mayer, 1999: 137). However, it should be noted that the proportion<br />
<strong>of</strong> voters that favoured the departure <strong>of</strong> immigrants before integration<br />
decreased by almost 10 percentage points to 38 per cent between 1998 and<br />
2002 (Balme, 2002).<br />
<strong>The</strong> politicization and framing <strong>of</strong> the immigration issue<br />
<strong>The</strong> Front National did not, <strong>of</strong> course, politicize immigration all by itself.<br />
Although it incorporated anti-immigration themes within its ideological<br />
core in the 1970s, the party was far too small and marginalized to be able to<br />
politicize the issue. In addition, although the intellectuals <strong>of</strong> the Nouvelle<br />
Droite (in particular Alain de Benoist) formulated a xenophobic ideology <strong>of</strong><br />
‘the right to be different’ during the late 1970s, they too were not in a position<br />
to politicize the immigration issue by themselves.<br />
After liberation in 1945, the question <strong>of</strong> immigration hardly entered the<br />
public realm for three decades. Instead, immigration policy was worked out<br />
in collaboration between experts and politicians. Immigration policy was a<br />
technical issue rather than a politicized one. However, the consensus to<br />
keep immigration a ‘technical issue’ started to change in the 1970s. In 1974,<br />
shortly after Valéry Giscard d’Estaing had been elected president, the government<br />
announced that further immigration would temporarily cease.<br />
Three years later, it confirmed that this temporary suspension would be made<br />
permanent. In addition, the government sought to reduce the existing