Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...
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208 <strong>Twenty</strong>-<strong>First</strong> <strong>Century</strong> <strong>Populism</strong><br />
might find itself mining a rich and growing seam. Indeed, in the future,<br />
rather than Irish neutrality being compromised, it is likely only to be when<br />
membership <strong>of</strong> the EU can be convincingly portrayed as compromising the<br />
Irish economy that the Eurosceptic genie will really emerge from the bottle<br />
in Ireland. Thus, as the country becomes a net contributor and the EU eventually<br />
tackles the very generous tax system for companies in Ireland, Europe<br />
may well become a central and contentious issue in Irish politics, with<br />
obvious opportunities for a populist party.<br />
Corruption<br />
A major element in Irish political life over the last fifteen years has been the<br />
uncovering <strong>of</strong> widespread political corruption through a series <strong>of</strong> Tribunals<br />
<strong>of</strong> Inquiry. However, while in countries such as France and Italy, corruption<br />
scandals have provided extremely fertile terrain for populists seeking to<br />
portray the pr<strong>of</strong>essional political class as beholden to vested interests, in<br />
Ireland their exposure seems to have had little effect so far on the newlyprosperous<br />
electorate. Despite the fact that many <strong>of</strong> the scandals involving<br />
high-ranking FF members (including the party’s former leader, Charles<br />
Haughey) broke during the late 1990s, the incumbent FF/PD government<br />
was returned with an increased majority in 2002. Put simply, the ‘feel-good’<br />
factors <strong>of</strong>, first and foremost, the booming economy and, secondly, the<br />
Northern Ireland peace process, were far more important. Indeed, according<br />
to Stephen Collins, although the FG leadership contemplated making corruption<br />
a higher-pr<strong>of</strong>ile issue in its 2002 campaign, they decided that ‘the<br />
voters were just not interested and that raising the issue could be counterproductive’.<br />
This was probably a wise decision as ‘Fianna Fáil focus group<br />
research had independently come to the same conclusion’ (Collins, 2003:<br />
29). Of course, FG’s decision may well have been partly based on the consideration<br />
that a number <strong>of</strong> its own members (most notably, the former<br />
Minister, Michael Lowry) have also been named as recipients <strong>of</strong> cash from<br />
businessmen and property developers. Indeed, corruption is a tricky issue to<br />
deal with even for the ‘new opposition’ <strong>of</strong> the Greens and SF since, although<br />
putting themselves forward as cleaner and more ethical alternatives to FF,<br />
they currently (beginning <strong>of</strong> 2007) refuse to exclude the possibility <strong>of</strong> coalition<br />
with them. In that sense, a populist party, ruling out any collaboration<br />
with either FF or FG, might find an anti-corruption stance more pr<strong>of</strong>itable.<br />
Nonetheless, the perception that the Irish public is ambivalent about corruption<br />
would appear confirmed by the fact that in the weeks following the<br />
revelation that the FF Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Bertie Ahern had received<br />
cash gifts from business friends in the 1990s while he was Minister for<br />
Finance, FF’s share in an October 2006 opinion poll actually rose by 8 points<br />
to 39 per cent – its highest level since the 2002 general election (<strong>The</strong> Irish<br />
Times/TNS mrbi poll).