Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

212 Twenty-First Century Populism
constantly evolving concept’, thus recalling the populist tendency to pick
and choose from different ideologies according to the needs of the moment
(Maillot, 2005: 4). Furthermore, consistent with its targeting of workingclass
and alienated voters, it has constructed an image of itself as an ‘ethical’
party which is close to ‘the people’ and particularly ‘local communities’, in
contrast to the corrupt and detached elites of the traditional parties. As its
leader, Gerry Adams, was keen to emphasize in the 2002 election campaign,
unlike other parties, SF is not bothered with ‘the trappings of office or politics
of self-interest’ (SF Press Release 23/3/02, cited in Maillot, 2005: 105).
Sinn Féin thus presents a discourse which conceives of the common and
virtuous people as being exploited by the untrustworthy political and economic
elites of the Celtic Tiger. In contrast to this, it evokes an image of an
undivided, peaceful and sovereign Irish heartland, free from the dangerous
external influences of Britain, the EU and globalization.
Nonetheless, for the moment SF falls short of full populist membership
for a series of reasons. First of all, although Adams clearly commands great
respect within the party (which he has led for over twenty years), and is a
media-savvy and personable leader, he does not correspond to the charismatic-leader
type embodied by Jean-Marie Le Pen, Pim Fortuyn or Silvio
Berlusconi. Unlike these figures, Adams does not dominate coverage of the
party and other SF senior figures are allowed to gain media visibility and
establish significant public profiles. Nor does Adams break the linguistic
codes of normal political discourse or make recourse to ‘common man’ rhetoric
as the likes of Bossi and Jorg Haider have done. Rather, like Gianfranco
Fini of Alleanza Nazionale in Italy who also leads a party with a dubious
extra-parliamentary past, he seems keen to present an articulate, ‘statesmanlike’
and cultured demeanour, perhaps in order to show voters that, despite
his long association with paramilitary activities, he now ‘belongs’ in representative
politics.
Second, SF rejects the anti-pluralism and intolerance found in many other
populist discourses in Western Europe. Similarly, it does not promote a
vision of a ‘homogeneous’ people or subscribe to the idea that the rights and
values of the majority should be enforced at the expense of others. For
example, the party has been particularly strong in its defence of the rights
of immigrants, Travellers, homosexuals and other minority groups. By way
of example, it is worth looking here at the 2001 SF policy review ‘Many
Voices One Country’. Although we find populist tones in its condemnation
of the ‘cynical’ political class, the document stands out for its promotion of
tolerance and the principle that heterogeneity within Irish society is a good
thing. We are told that ‘the challenge is to embrace our growing diversity as
a source of strength and opportunity. To do this we must begin by opposing
racism, discrimination and intolerance of any kind wherever it occurs’ (SF,
2001: 1). Indeed ‘as Socialist Republicans [the party] must be to the fore in
combating racism’ (Ibid.: 9), unlike those ‘unscrupulous people in politics