Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

Austria 79
silenced internal critics (Luther, 1997: 289). The authoritarian nature of
Haider’s leadership was underscored by sweeping ‘purges’ of party officials
at all levels and of varying political philosophies (Heinisch, 2002). These
measures ranged from more or less voluntary departures after people had
been humiliated and demoted to outright expulsions following disciplinary
action (Zöchling, 1999: 187). In 1992 alone, the Freedomites changed two
federal deputy party leaders, one federal party executive, five regional party
leaders and a number of candidates and elected functionaries at state and
local levels (Bailer-Galanda and Neugebauer, 2000: 115). Many of these had
fallen out of favour because they opposed policies or candidates supported
by Haider (Bailer-Galanda and Neugebauer, 2000: 36–37). The leader also
removed potential rivals and individuals occupying posts he coveted, along
with silencing those obstructing the party’s ideological repositioning
(Zöchling, 1999: 192–194). In this way, he rid himself of the leading exponent
of pan-Germanic nationalism (Krimhild Trattnig) and the main figure
on the party’s libertarian wing, Heide Schmid, who subsequently formed a
new party, the Liberal Forum. Haider also flexed his muscles by indicating
that displays of allegiance could result in forgiveness for officials who had
fallen out of favour. The cult of obedience reached its peak in 1998 with the
pledge of loyalty dubbed the ‘Contract of Democracy’, which he demanded
all party officials sign (Riedlsberger, 1998: 31).
When Haider recruited party officials, therefore, he was interested in loyalty
to him personally and in already well-known people such as athletes
and entertainers. He especially sought those who appeared young and
flamboyant like himself, several of whom he recruited on his legendary
disco-tours. Subsequent ad hoc appointments and quick promotions created
conflicts in local branches, but reinforced the image of permanent revolution.
Summing up, the organizational changes thus paralleled the FPÖ’s
repositioning as an increasingly centralized populist party.
Agency of the FPÖ
Organizational modifications alone are not sufficient to explain the enormous
power wielded by Jörg Haider both during and after his tenure as
chairman. From the start, he took advantage of his access to the media and
pursued a strategy of ‘jumping the gun’ by announcing policy positions and
personnel promotions through the media and thus prejudicing decisions
before they were internally debated (Luther, 1997: 290). The populist turn of
the Freedom Party was reflected in the fact that programmatic objectives
were decided according to Haider’s personal ambitions and preferences
rather than by internal discussions and consensus. Shorter-term objectives
and strategies (for example Aktionsprogramme and Wahlprogramme: ‘Action
Programmes’ and ‘Election Programmes’) increased in importance at the
expense of overall party development and long-term programmatic planning
(Horner, 1997).