Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European ...

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France 167 election in Dreux and then gained 11.2 per cent at the 1984 European Parliament elections (Perrineau, 1997). Right-wing populism was not entirely new to post-war France, however. In 1956, the Poujadist movement, a populist anti-tax and anti-modernization movement, captured 11.6 per cent of the vote and sent over 50 deputies to the National Assembly. However, the movement fell apart in 1958 and disappeared as quickly as it had emerged. During the 1960s, there were occasional outbursts of Right-wing extremism in connection with the war in Algeria. At an electoral level, these sentiments were manifested in the 1962 referendum on Algerian independence, in which 9.2 per cent voted ‘No’ and in the 1965 presidential election when Tixier-Vignancour, a former star lawyer from French Algeria, got 5.2 per cent of the vote (Mayer, 1998: 16; Perrineau, 1996: 37−38). It is interesting, therefore, to note that the leader of the FN, Jean-Marie Le Pen, was a deputy in the National Assembly for the Poujadist movement in 1956, and then served as campaign president for Tixier-Vignancour in 1965 (Marcus, 1995: 27−52). There are also a number of ideological similarities between the Poujadist movement, Tixier-Vignancour and the Front National. This is not surprising, of course, since these three political movements all have a common tradition of pre-war French Right-wing extremism and radical nationalism to draw from, including General Boulanger, Maurice Barrès and Charles Maurras (cf. Chebel d’Appollonia, 1996; Girardet, 1966). Nevertheless, after 1965 the French far Right was highly fragmented and marginalized until the Front National was founded in 1972. During the first ten years of its existence, however, the FN was unable to escape electoral marginalization either. However, as we saw above, in 1983 the Front National finally made its electoral breakthrough in a local election, and in 1984 enjoyed national success in the European parliament elections. This was the beginning of a new, more prosperous era for the party and the FN has received vote shares of around ten per cent or over in all national elections since 1986 (see Table 11.1). In addition to its improved performances at national level, in local contests in 1995 the party gained a majority of the vote in three cities, and was thus able to take political power in Marignane, Orange and Toulon (Perrineau, 1997: 82). In addition, in a partial local election in February 1997, the FN won control of a fourth city, Vitrolle (Perrineau, 1997: 91−92). Yet, just when the Front National’s fortunes appeared at their highest, the party split because of internal rivalries (cf. Hainsworth, 2000). In 1998−99, the rivalry between Le Pen and the de facto party number two, Bruno Mégret, escalated into an open conflict for power and control of the FN. Mégret founded a rival party, the Front National-Mouvement National, which later changed its name to Mouvement National Républicain. However, the schism was not the beginning of a terminal decline for the FN, as many commentators predicted. On the contrary, in the aftermath of September 11, and following an election campaign that had focused on issues of security and law
168 Twenty-First Century Populism and order, Le Pen saw his support rise in the opinion polls. This was confirmed when he received 16.9 per cent of the votes in the first round of the Presidential election in April 2002 and thus qualified for the second round (eliminating the Socialist Party candidate Lionel Jospin). After a massive bipartisan campaign in favour of Jacques Chirac, Le Pen was only able to increase his share in the second round of the election to 17.8 per cent of the vote. Ethnonationalism Table 11.1 Front National results in French national elections, 1973–2002 (in percentages) Election Vote share 1973 Legislative 0.6 1974 Presidential 0.8 1978 Leg. 0.8 1981 Leg. 0.3 1984 European 11.2 1986 Leg. 9.8 1988 Pres. 14.6 1988 Leg. 9.8 1989 Euro 11.7 1993 Leg. 12.5 1994 Euro 10.5 1995 Pres. 15.1 1997 Leg. 14.9 1999 Euro 5.7 (9.2) 2002 Pres. 16.9* (19.2) 2002 Leg. 11.3 (12.4) * The result is from the first round of the presidential election. In the second round Le Pen received 17.8 per cent of the vote. Source: Simmons (1996: 267); Perrineau (1997: 9); Eatwell (2000: 410); Hainsworth (2000: 20); www. electionworld.org. For the elections from 1999, the results presented within brackets indicate the sum of the FN and the Mouvement National Républicain (MNR) total vote. The Front National can in part be seen as a resurgence of French ethnonationalism, whose mobilization has been facilitated by a number of factors more or less particular to France. First, the declining size and impact of the French Communist Party (PCF) and the Gaullist movements, which had
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Editorial matter, selection, introd
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viii Contents 12 Britain: Imperial
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Acknowledgements The original conce
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xii Notes on Contributors Bollati B
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6 Italy: A Country of Many Populism
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Bibliography Akkerman, T. Anti-immi
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226 Bibliography BNP (2005) Rebuild
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228 Bibliography Dahl, R. A. (1999)
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230 Bibliography Germani, G. (1975)
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232 Bibliography Ivaldi, G. Le Fron
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234 Bibliography Lehingue, P. (2003
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236 Bibliography Mazzoleni, G. (200
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238 Bibliography Pelinka, A. (2005)
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240 Bibliography Schedler, A. Anti-
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242 Bibliography Trechsel, A. H. (2
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246 Index Chirac, Jacques 58, 168,
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250 Index Plato 200 Poland 62, 120
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