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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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Byzantines and the Mongols, and even the Seljuks, maintained some authority over<br />

the frontiers. Even if that authority was not able to have its representatives<br />

there all the time, even if it was obliged to comply with some cases of fait<br />

accompli, it was needed at least as a referent to provide some credibility to<br />

one's claims.<br />

With respect to the Turco-Muslim side of the western Anatolian frontier in the<br />

final decades of the thirteenth century, one can speak of multiple layers of<br />

authority: (1) the Mongol ilkhanate and its governors, (2) the Seljuk sultanate,<br />

(3) the Mamluk sultanate (mostly in the south and the southwest ), (4)<br />

occasional Seljuk princes who were physically present in the frontiers but whose<br />

eyes were set on the sultanate after establishing a power base for themselves,<br />

(5) begs of the uc, who were appointees of or at least nominally approved by the<br />

Mongols or the Seljuks, (6) begs of tribes, who may also have been begs of the<br />

uc as defined in the previous category, (7) holy figures with a following, and<br />

(8) upstarts who aspired to, and some of whom did, become begs. Given the<br />

complexity and fluidity of the frontier regions, it would be a<br />

― 126 ―<br />

mistake to present the "Turco-Muslim side" as a self-enclosed entity, or a<br />

"national team," as it were. The Byzantine emperor, too, was not without direct<br />

influence among both Muslims and Christians if we consider the case of 'Ali<br />

Amourios (to be discussed below) or the presence of various local Christian<br />

lords and communities of monks. Not all of the powers representing the<br />

established political centers of the region were present with the same force at<br />

any given moment; it is not only their capability but also their interest that<br />

ebbed and flowed. The relations between these layers kept changing as claims and<br />

ambitions dashed or coincided to shuffle different powers into allied or hostile<br />

camps.<br />

Osman apparently displayed considerable political acumen in that environment<br />

where alliances could and did cut across religious, ethnic, and tribal lines;<br />

symbiotic relations developed between nomadic and settled communities. The<br />

YF-Apz narrative relates stories of Osman's neighborly relations with the<br />

Christian chiefs of towns and villages, and there is no reason to assume that<br />

these were fictionalized in the fifteenth century. When he hears his brother<br />

propose that they ought to bum and destroy the area around them, Osman is said<br />

to have replied: "If we destroy these areas, our own town of Karacahisar cannot<br />

prosper. What needs to be done is to maintain mudara (feigned) friendship with<br />

our neighbors." It is also related that Osman's tribe, on its way to summer<br />

pastures, deposited some of their belongings for safekeeping at the fortress of<br />

Bilecik and on their return sent its tekvur, as a token of their appreciation,<br />

"cheese and buttercream in animal skins as well as fine carpets and kilims." The<br />

nature of these gift items also illustrates the nature of the symbiosis that<br />

could develop between the pastoralists and the agriculturalists or townsmen due<br />

to the different items produced by each. Commercial exchange was another facet<br />

of this symbiosis; soon after taking charge of his first urban possession, Osman<br />

is said to have set up a town market that would bring together infidels of the<br />

surrounding areas and Muslims of the Ottoman and Germiyan begliks.[16]<br />

111

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