Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

66. On human sacrifice, see Vryonis, "Evidence of Human Sacrifice among Early
Ottoman Turks," Journal of Asian History 5(1971):140-46. For an assessment of
the applicability of shamanism to our case, see I. * Kafesoglu * , Eski Türk
Dini (Ankara, 1980) and the unpublished M.A. thesis of A. Karamustafa (McGill
University, 1981). For a survey of the anthropological critique of the reading
of unorthodox practices as survivals, see C. Stewart, Demons and the Devil
(Princeton, 1991), 5-12.
67. In arguing for the Köprülü-inspired tribal origins of the Ottoman state as
opposed to Wittek's gazi thesis, some Turkish scholars, too, felt gazis would
have to have been devout Muslims. Faruk Demirtas * , "Osmanli Devrinde
Anadolu'da Kayilar," Belleten 12(1948): "Had the early Ottomans been a society
composed of gazis, as a European scholar claims, they would have taken devout
Muslim names as opposed to the national names most of them bore" (602).
68. W. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, 4th ed. (London, 1977).
The original in Russian appeared in 1900 and an English edition in 1928.
69. Ibid., 215.
70. Ibid., 312.
71. In the first half of this century, Orientalists were much more certain that
corporate organizations existed in medieval Islam and that gazis were part of
that phenomenon. Barthold, for instance, speaks of "the guild of warriors for
the Faith" (ibid., 214-15).
72. Lindner, "Stimulus; 219. Naturally, the same question could have been raised
with regard to tribalism. If it was the motive force, as Lindner suggests, were
the Ottomans the only group in Anatolia to "go tribal"? If so, that requires
some historical explanation of Osman's unique method. If not, why were the
others unable to succeed? Due to greater success enjoyed by Osman as a
chieftain? But then the same point could be made within the framework of the
gaza thesis. If, on the other hand, there are reasons for tribalism to work more
successfully in Bithynia than elsewhere, the same can be said for gaza.
73. Inalcik * , "The Question of the Emergence," 74-75.
74. Ibid., 76.
Chapter 2 The Sources
1. There are, however, four documents attributed to Osman's chieftainship. The
first three, from later sources, axe dearly apocryphal. For references and
discussion, see Irène Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Recherches sur les actes des règnes
des sultans Osman, Orkhan et Murad I (Munich, 1967), 59-77. The fourth one,
despite some traces of having been later touched up, as Taeschner and Wittek
pointed out, seems to contain an authentic kernel of an endowment deed issued in
1323 by Aspurça Hatun * , one of Orhan's * wives (ibid., 78-82).
2. Apz, ed. Giese, 10-11. The attribution of illiteracy, though not at all
unbelievable in the case of Osman, could also be read as a topos used to
underline the role of divine inspiration in the deeds of a holy warrior. On the
inconsistent and vague role of the sword in later accession rituals, see F. W.
Hasluck, Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, ed. Margaret M. Hasluck
(Oxford, 1929), 2:604-22.
3. An undated coin was discovered by Ibrahim * Artuk; see his "Osmanli
Beyliginin * Kurucusu Osman Gâzîye Ait Sikke," in Social and Economic History of
Turkey (1071-1920), ed. O. Okyar and H. Inalcik * (Ankara, 1980), 27-33. Lindner
has more recently referred to one issued in 1299 in Sogut * ; see his "A Silver
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