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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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any more useful of course. But to establish such a dominance, one first has to<br />

assume the existence of competing views and trace their interrelations. There is<br />

no room for such an analysis in the schema of a unidirectional, step-by-step<br />

development of ideology that does not take into consideration the complexity of<br />

early Ottoman social structure and the tensions within it,<br />

Moreover, to liken Apz to Einhard is unjustified and problematic because the<br />

former is not a court historian. Though he does sing the praises of many<br />

achievements of the Ottoman enterprise, his chronicle is also informed by a<br />

critical streak that he shares, in varying degrees, with Urnç and the anonymous<br />

chroniclers. Taken altogether and treated systematically, Apz's criticisms<br />

consistently reflect the worldview of a certain milieu which, particularly after<br />

the conquest of Constantinople and the adoption of the imperial project, stood<br />

outside and in some opposition to the Ottoman court, or at least the dominant<br />

centralist position upheld by most sultans and statesmen of the classical age.<br />

Apz's personal and ideological connections to the gazi milieu have long ago been<br />

identified.[114] It may well have been true that Apz decided to publish his<br />

chronicle due to Bayezid's demand after 1484 to have the deeds of his ancestors<br />

collected and told. This does not predicate either an ideological homogeneity or<br />

an official character in the chronicles. Apz and the writers of the anonymous<br />

chronicles may have modified the final versions of their books to some extent to<br />

protect themselves from possible danger; they were also probably influenced to a<br />

significant extent by the official ideology emerging throughout the fifteenth<br />

century. Such compliances and convergences do not undermine their distinct<br />

position, however. The specific criticisms in these chronicles consistently<br />

reflect the views of the frontier warriors as opposed to the emerging central<br />

state. Compare the accounts of the establishment of the pençik system (whereby<br />

the Treasury's right to one-fifth of the gaza booty was extended to include<br />

slaves), the objections to Bayezid I's lifestyle, the murdering of Haci Ilbegi ,<br />

the application of a new monetary system by Çandarli Halil Pasa , and the<br />

policies of Mehmed the Conqueror in terms of property rights and rents after the<br />

conquest of Constantinople. All of these cannot be dismissed as slips or as a<br />

mere show of righteousness.<br />

And why should it be thought accidental that Apz had access to Yahsi Fakih's<br />

chronicle and decided to rely on these traditions in his own book? Does he not<br />

openly state his source rather than try to conceal it?<br />

― 101 ―<br />

In fact this passage and many others interspersed in his chronicle that tell us<br />

of his friends and acquaintances who often serve him as oral sources provide the<br />

reader with many precious dues about Apz's social network.<br />

Growing up in a village of Amasya during the turbulent years of the Interregnum<br />

(1402-13) when a century's worth of Ottoman acquisitions seemed to be up for<br />

grabs, Apz apparently had a knack for being where the action was. In his teens,<br />

he tagged along with the army of Prince Mehmed , the eventual winner. The young<br />

dervish found himself on the winning side probably for no other reason than that<br />

they were both based in the same area. While the forces of the future sultan<br />

were proceeding to what proved to be the final showdown with the only other<br />

90

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