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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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One of his radically novel assertions was that Osman and his followers were<br />

pagan Turks living as nomadic pastoralists on the Byzantine frontier and<br />

pursuing successful predatory activities due to weakened defenses in that area.<br />

Converting to Islam at some stage of Osman's career, as the dream story implied<br />

according to Gibbons, these nomads were overtaken by a proselytizing spirit and<br />

forced many of their Christian neighbors to convert as well. The story of<br />

Osman's blessed reverie, Gibbons thought, may well have been a legend but it was<br />

meant to capture a particular moment in the young chieftain's real life, namely,<br />

his adoption of a new faith and of a politico-military career in its name.<br />

Taking another piece of evidence from that "mass of fiction" that he otherwise<br />

deemed Ottoman histories to be, Gibbons "calculated" that the "four hundred<br />

tents" of Osman's tribe must have been joined by so many converts that the new<br />

community increased "tenfold" by this process. A new "race" was born — that of<br />

the Osmanlis — out of the mixture of ex-pagan Turks and ex-Christian Greeks. The<br />

expansion of Osmanli (the Turkish form of "Ottoman") power was accompanied not<br />

so much by fresh elements from the East but by more and more "defections and<br />

conversions from among the Byzantine Greeks; so, the creative force of the<br />

Ottoman Empire must not be attributed to an Asiatic people but to European"<br />

elements.[11]<br />

This was after all a time when a historian did not even feel the need to be<br />

apologetic for making remarks like the following: "The government and the ruling<br />

classes of the Ottoman Empire are negatively rather than<br />

― 34 ―<br />

positively evil. There is nothing inherently bad about the Osmanli. He is inert,<br />

and has thus failed to reach the standards set by the progress of civilization.<br />

He lacks ideals."[12] Shrug or sigh as one might upon reading such comments<br />

today, when cultural domination is asserted and practiced in much subtler ways,<br />

Gibbons's self-satisfied lack of sensitivity for the "natives" allowed him to be<br />

free of neurotic caution and to make some daring suggestions. Whatever the<br />

weaknesses of his specific arguments, and despite his exaggerations and<br />

racialization of the issue, he was not altogether off the mark in underlining<br />

the emergence of a new political community out of some combination of people<br />

from diverse ethnic and religions backgrounds. It may also shed quite a bit of<br />

light on the possibly humble origins and enterprising nature of the early<br />

Ottomans to see Osman as a "self-made man." And even Gibbons's ardent critics<br />

agreed that Ottoman expansion in the Balkans must be seen not as the outcome of<br />

a series of booty-seeking raids but as "part of a plan of settlement"<br />

accompanied by such raids.<br />

For more than two decades following Gibbons's book, the foundation of the<br />

Ottoman state and the identity of its founders were hot topics. His theory<br />

enjoyed some recognition outside the world of Orientalists especially since it<br />

could be superimposed on the theory of some Byzantinists at the time that the<br />

flourishing of early Ottoman administrative institutions and practices was due,<br />

not to a Turco-Islamic, but to a Byzantine heritage. As Charles Diehl, a French<br />

Byzantinist, put it, "the Turks ... those rough warriors were neither<br />

administrators nor lawyers, and they understood little of political science.<br />

35

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