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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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eginning of the sixteenth century which cites the other two and claims to be in<br />

part a Turkish prose translation of Yarcani's * work. See Sikari'nin *<br />

Karaman-ogullari * Tarihi, ed. M. Koman (Konya, 1940), 8-9. On this source, also<br />

see Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans, 145-47. There is very little that can be added<br />

to Köprülü's survey of early Anatolian sources in his "Anadolu Selçuklu<br />

Tarihinin Yerli Kaynaklari"; now also see the English translation of this work<br />

with updated references: The Seljuks of Anatolia, trans. Gary Leiser. For a more<br />

recent survey of relevant hagiographic works (in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish )<br />

from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century, see A. Y. Ocak, Kültür Tarihi<br />

Kaynagi * Olarak Menâkibnâmeler (Ankara, 1992), 46-59.<br />

97. Obviously, the issue of literacy must also be considered in this discussion,<br />

but given our present state of knowledge on the matter, not much can be said.<br />

The number of medreses was slowly growing in the fourteenth century, and there<br />

was increased demand for scribal services. But the sites where one could acquire<br />

literacy skills and obtain some education were not limited to formally<br />

designated schools. Dervish lodges and homes must also have offered such<br />

possibilities; Apz, for instance, in all likelihood obtained his education in<br />

the lodge. Naturally, the history of early Ottoman literacy involves much more<br />

than the possibilities for education within the early Ottoman world since we are<br />

also dealing with many migrants and converts who offered skills acquired<br />

elsewhere. For early Ottoman medreses starting with the first one (established<br />

ca. 1331), see M. Bilge, Ilk * Osmanli Medreseleri (Istanbul, 1984).<br />

98. Ménage,"Beginnings; 170.<br />

99. On Hamzavi * , see Franz Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und<br />

ihre Werke (Leipzig, 1927). To the same author is attributed an early chronicle<br />

of which no copies have ever been identified and to which no date can presently<br />

be assigned.<br />

100. Selcukname * , TSK, R. 1390. Professor Sinasi * Tekin of Harvard University<br />

is currently preparing a critical edition of this text through a comparison of<br />

the cited manuscript with other extant copies. I am grateful to him for enabling<br />

me to make use of his early draft.<br />

101. It is not known when exactly the tales of Dede Korkut were written down,<br />

but it was not earlier than the fifteenth century. Based on the fact that the<br />

author is buttering up both Akkoyunlu and Ottoman rulers, it has been suggested<br />

that the composition belongs to someone living in the undefined borderlands<br />

between the two states during the reign of Uzun Hasan * (1466-78). See Boratav,<br />

100 Soruda Türk Halkedebiyati (Istanbul, 1969), 46-47. G. Lewis, on the other<br />

hand, dates the composition "fairly early in the 15th century at least" ( The<br />

Book of Dede Korkut, 16-19). In addition to questions concerning the time the<br />

stories can be traced back to, or when they were composed in the shape we have<br />

them (which is what G. Lewis is asking and which could have been accomplished<br />

orally), we must ask when a decision was made to render the composition in<br />

written form. In this respect, the reference to the Ottomans is more significant<br />

than Lewis considers. On the other hand, the seemingly interpolated paragraph<br />

about Korkut Ata and his prophecy concerning Ottoman glory in the Book of Dede<br />

Korkut appears also in Yazicizade's * history of the Seljuks, written ca. 1436;<br />

see G. Lewis, n. 140. Also see Bryer, "Hah Turali Rides Again."<br />

102. Abu * Bakr Tihrani-Isfahani * , Kitab-i * Diyarbakriyya * (in Persian), 2<br />

vols., ed. N. Lugal and F. Sümer (Ankara, 1962-64). This work must also be seen<br />

155

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